D 

O  : 
o  : 
o  i 


5  = 

9  ^ 
2  ^ 
8  S 


2324 


1919 


AN  ADDRESS  OF  BOLIVAR 

AT  THE 

CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA 

(FEBRUARY  15,   1819) 


Reprint  ordered  by  the  Government  of  the 

United  States  of  Venezuela,  to  Commemorate  the  Centennial 

of  the  Opening  of  the  Congress 

( Traiisluteil  rnnii  tlie  Original   Spunisli  1))   Krant-isco  Javier  Yiiiies) 


(¿J^M(^j^ 


£nvín    d» 


AN  ADDRESS  OF  BOLIVAR 


AT  THE 


CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA 


(FEBRUARY    15,    1819) 


Reprint  ordered  by  the  Government  of  the 

United  States  of  Venezuela,   to  Commemorate  the  Centennial 

of  the  Opening  of  the  Congress 

(Translated  from  tlie  Original  Spanish  !)>■  Francisco  Javier  Yanes) 


rRE99    OF 

BVKON    S.    ADAUS 

WASHINr.TON,    D.    C, 


LTORART 

UNTVFRSITY  OF  C  '  T  tfoPwOTA 

SANTA  BARTÍAÍlA 


DECREE 

AUTHORIZING  THE  PRESENT  EDITION  OF  THE 

ADDRESS  OF  BOLIVAR 

AT  THE  CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA 


-WITViORAWN 


DOCTOR  V.  MÁRQUEZ  BUSTILLOS 

Provisional  President  of  the  Republic 
Whereas: 

The  loth  day  of  February,  1919.  is  the  anniversarv  of  the  First 
Centenary  of  the  meeting  of  the  Second  National  Congress  of  Venezuela, 
known  in  history  as  the  Congress  of  Angostura;  and 

Whereas: 

The  Congress  of  Angostura  established  the  juridical  status  of  the 
Revolution;  reconstructed  its  international  person,  and  in  giving  it  the 
prestige  of  constitutional  institutions,  prepared  at  the  same  time  for  the 
expansion  of  its  work  of  liberation  in  the  South  American  continent; 
and 

Whereas: 

No  document  whatsoever  can  express  more  fully  the  scope  of  tlie 
task  intrusted  to  the  Congress  of  Angostura  or  the  transcendental  value 
of  the  ideas  of  the  Liberator  in  calling  it  together,  than  the  famous 
Address  of  the  Liberator  on  the  very  day  of  its  opening  meeting; 

Be  it  decreed: 

Article  1.  That  a  Spanish  and  an  English  edition  of  the  Address  of 
the  Liberator  on  the  opening  of  the  Congress  of  Angostura  be  published 
as  a  part  of  the  commemoration  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
of  Venezuela  of  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  illustrious  Assembly. 

Article  2.  Each  edition  shall  consist  of  five  thousand  copies  and  each 
is  to  contain  a  portrait  of  the  Liberator;  this  present  decree;  a  com- 
mentary on  the  political  ideas  of  Bolivar  and  the  imi)ortance  of  said 
Congress;  a  photographic  reproduction  of  the  building  where  the  As- 
sembly met,  and  a  fac-simile  reproduction  of  the  copy  of  the  Correo  del 
Orinoco  in  which  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  this  historic  document 
were  printed  for  the  first  time. 

Article  3.  The  expenses  involved  in  the  execution  of  this  decree 
shall  be  defrayed  by  the  National  Treasury,  as  required  by  law. 

Article  4.  Tlie  present  decree  shall  be  countersigned  by  all  the  Min- 
isters of  the  Executive,  the  Ministers  of  Interior  Relations  and  of  Finance 
being  hereby  intrusted  with  the  execution  thereof. 

Given,  signed  and  sealed  with  the  Seal  of  the  Federal  Executive  and 
countersigned  by  the  Ministers  of  Interior  Relations,  Foreign  Relations, 
Finance,  War  and  Navy,  Improvements.  Public  Works,  and  Public  In- 
struction, in  the  Federal  Palace  at  Caracas,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  the 
month  of  December,  of  the  year  one  thousand,  nine  hundred  and 
eighteen,  109th  of  the  Independence  and  60th  of  the  Federation. 

V.  MÁRQUEZ  BUSTILLOS. 

Countersigned : 
Tlie  Minister  of  Interior  Relations,        Ignacio  Andrade. 

Countersigned : 
The  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations,         B.  Mosquera. 

Countersigned: 
The  Minister  of  Finance,  Rom.xn  Cárdenas. 

Countersigned : 
The  Minister  of  War  and  Navy,  C.  Jiménez  Rebolledo. 

Countersigned : 
The  Minister  of  Improvements,  G.  Torres. 

Countersigned: 
Tlie  Minister  of  Pul)lic  Works.  Luis  VÉLEZ. 

Countersigned: 
The  Minister  of  Pul)!ic  Instruclinn.        R.  González  Rincones. 


> 


^^-::^TS^:ifiiiiff^ 


'É    I'l     I •* ^ 


f-  'r".:v         .    '  f^ 


-J 


BOLIVAR  IN   1819 

BY   THE   RUMANIAN    PAINTER.   3AMYS    MUTZNER 


THE  POLITICAL  IDEAS  OF  BOLIVAR 


AT  THE 


CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA 


THE  POLITICAL  IDEAS  OF  BOLIVAR  AT  THE 
CONG  HESS  OF  ANGOSTURA 


From  its  earliest  inception  the  Revolution  of  Venezuela  tended  un- 
consciously as  well  as  instinctively,  towards  clearly  defined  ideas: 
absolute  independence,  a  republican  form  of  government,  connnunity 
of  interests  with  all  other  countries  and  the  closest  touch  with  European 
culture. 

Documents  relating  to  the  Revolution,  both  from  Miranda  and  from 
the  revolulionan-  leaders  of  1797,  1808  and  181U,  prove  that  the  aims  of 
the  leading  men  capable  of  conceiving  and  achieving  the  political  and 
economic  transformation  of  the  Colony,  were  more  far-reaching  than 
a  mere  change  of  authorities. 

Scarcely  free  from  the  rule  of  the  Captain  General,  the  members  of 
the  Venezuelan  Colony,  although  invoking,  as  a  matter  of  form,  the 
rights  of  Ferdinand  Vll,  proceeded  in  fact  to  carry  out  substantial  re- 
forms in  the  political  and  economic  life  of  the  countrj'.  They  broke 
away  from  old  prejudices,  opened  up  a  new  field  to  the  aspirations  of 
the  popular  classes,  even  encouraging  and  fostering  their  desires;  they 
acted  as  if  they  felt  thoroughly  at  home;  they  performed  acts  of  sover- 
eignty; they  initiated  Latin-American  diplomacy  by  sending  represen- 
tatives to  New  Grenada,  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  gave 
evident  proof,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  of  their  sentiments  of 
solidarity  with  the  other  Spanish  colonies  of  America. 

These  facts,  however,  may  be  considered  as  not  yet  clothed  willi  the 
|)restige  of  Law.  But  the  First  Congress  of  Venezuela  set  its  seal  on  the 
process  by  the  well  considered  declaration  of  independence  of  Vene- 
zuela, and  the  Constitution  of  1811,  its  immediate  result,  endowed  the 
new  born  State  with  all  the  attributes  of  a  regular  government.     .\  new 


10  bolivar's  address 

act  was  thus  accomplished  in  the  history  of  the  Spanish  Colonics  in 
America.  On  the  American  Continent,  besides  the  United  States,  there 
was  now  another  constituted  nation  having  the  form  and  the  essence  of 
all  Free  States,  such  as  separate  and  definite  powers,  citizens-rights, 
and  an  electoral  system  for  securing  the  necessary  change  of  the  authori- 
ties. Thus  the  Republic  of  the  United  Provinces  of  Venezuela  came  into 
being. 

The  first  Constitution  of  Venezuela  was  the  expression  of  the  mind 
of  the  men  of  letters  in  whom  the  thought  and  the  spirit  of  the  Revolu- 
tion dwelt.  An  evidence  of  the  genuineness  of  their  intentions,  it  was 
a  digest  of  the  most  beautiful  principles  of  democratic  doctrines,  and  in 
theory,  a  monument  of  political  and  social  progress,  which  might  have 
l)ecn  deemed  inconceivable  in  Spanish  America.  It  was,  however,  the 
fruit  of  doctrinal  speculation  without  the  clarifying  assistance  of  ex- 
perience. Put  to  the  test  by  subsequent  events,  it  could  not  survive  on 
the  angry  waves  that  the  Revolution  had  stirred  up  in  the  heretofore 
almost  dormant  sea  of  the  Colony.  The  rural  and  illiterate  classes,  hav- 
ing been  called  by  rights  and,  above  all  in  fact,  to  a  decisive  activity, 
while  acting  in  accordance  with  their  instinct  and  ignorance,  far  from 
being  the  foundation  of  the  Republic,  became  the  direct  instrument  of 
its  destruction.  The  new  democracy  perished  by  the  action  of  its  own 
internal  forces,  rather  than  because  of  its  enemies  from  without. 

"A  son  of  Caracas  escaped  from  its  ruins,  physical  and  political" 
at  Cartagena  de  Indias,  with  that  clear  vision  which  ever  was  the  guid- 
ing star  of  his  purpose,  analyzed  the  causes  of  the  crumbling  down  of 
his  country,  and  looking  ahead,  just  as  he  always  did  until  his  death, 
for  the  interests  of  America,  he  warned  the  other  colonies  which  were  on 
the  road  to  emancipation,  of  the  dangers  to  which  the  sad  experience 
of  Venezuela  clearly  pointed.  That  very  same  son  of  Caracas  becoming 
later  through  the  power  of  his  genius  the  Armed  Leader  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, patterned  his  political  action  on  the  counsel  he  had  so  clearly 
stated  in  his  "Manifest  of  Cartagena."  While  feeling  the  most  profound 
respect  for  the  ideal  aspirations  of  a  perfect  democracy  he  did  not 
lose  sight  for  a  moment  of  the  well  established  fact  that  when  idealiza- 
tion misses  contact  with  reality,  failure  ensues,  and  what  is  much  worse, 
the  prestige  of  those  very  ideals  is  lost,  for  the  success  of  which  an 
ineffectual  struggle  has  been  waged. 

Above  all,  he  was  always  guided  by  the  principle  that  anarchy  does 
not  lead  to  liberty;  that  the  first  condition  of  success  lies  in  harmonious 
efforts,  and  that  such  a  goal  could  not  be  reached  except  through  a 
powerful  authority,  giving  the  Republic  unity  of  will  and  unity  of  pur- 


CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA  11 

pose.  Such  was  the  political  and  military  work  of  Bolivar  from  1813  to 
1819;  to  master  the  anarchical  attempts  of  the  idealistic  patriots  who 
overlooked  reality,  and  to  master  the  anarchical  attempts  of  the  patriotic 
leaders  who  sacrificed  the  ideals  of  the  revolution  to  their  personal 
viewpoint.  Bolivar  is  the  great  I'nifier,  and  when  the  task  had  been 
done,  we  lind  the  idealists  and  men  of  action  all  united,  those  of  the 
East  with  those  of  the  South,  the  Center  and  the  West.  And  when  the 
Revolution  had  achieved  the  dream  of  unification,  and  all  were  agreed 
as  to  its  final  purpose,  it  was  then,  and  only  then,  that  Bolivar  deems  the 
time  ripe  to  recommence — as  a  basis,  and  at  the  same  time,  as  a  sign 
of  the  normal  era  which  the  Republic  was  triumphantly  approaching — 
the  onward  march  of  republican  institutions,  and  thus  convokes  the 
Second  Venezuelan  Congress,  which  was  to  meet  in  the  historic  city  of 
Angostura. 

With  all  the  authority  obtained  at  the  cost  of  numberless  sacrifices, 
firm  in  his  belief,  justified  by  six  years'  experience,  Bolivar  expresses 
once  more  the  same  f-undamental  ideas  of  the  Manifesto  of  Cartagena 
and  the  Kingston  Letter.  This  is  a  decisive  moment  for  the  fate  of  the 
young  nation.  Was  there  to  be  a  repetition  of  those  errors  springing 
from  a  generous  spirit  which  had  already  proved  to  be  incapable  of 
protecting  and  fostering  the  onward  march  of  the  Revolution;  or  was 
the  new  era  of  regular  government  to  rely  on  the  wealth  of  experience 
gained  through  contrast,  sacrifice  and  failure?  It  would  have  been  an 
unpardonable  mistake  to  fall  a  prey  to  the  same  disappointing  illusions 
of  the  Republic's  first  legislators.  Eight  years  of  strenuous  life  in  the 
midst  of  the  hardships  of  a  war  which  did  not  tolerate  indifference  nor 
remissness,  had  definitely  enlisted  in  political  and  social  activities  the 
classes  constituting  the  majority  of  the  population  of  Venezuela.  They 
had  to  be  accepted  with  their  good  qualities,  their  defects,  their  potential 
energies,  their  natural  limitations.  The  idea  was  to  establish  a  republic, 
not  philosophic  and  abstract,  but  a  concrete  democracy  whose  subjects 
and  direct  agents  stood  out  clearly  and  precisely  in  that  midst.  This  is 
the  wide  difference  existing  between  the  exalted  Congress  of  Angos- 
tura and  the  exalted  Congress  of  1811. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Congi-ess,  Bolivar  submits  his  report  as  to  the 
exercise  of  the  authority  vested  in  him.  which  he  surrenders  to  the 
Representatives  of  the  People.  Having  thus  become  a  plain  citizen, 
exalted  because  of  the  services  rendered  by  him  to  the  country  and  by 
his  experience  in  such  ser\'ice,  he  addresses  those  in  whose  hands 
rests  the  future  of  the  Nation,  and  frankly  asks  of  them  all  that  he  deems 
indispensable  for  the  stability  and  happiness  of  Venezuela.     He  delves 


12  nOLIVAR's   ADDRESS 

into  histoi'y  to  find  that  the  success  of  a  government  does  not  lie  so 
much  in  its  extrinsic  form  as  in  its  harmonious  relations  with  the  people 
to  be  guided  and  led.  Thus,  even  in  praising  with  sincere  enthusiasm 
tlie  excellent  features  of  democracy,  he  does  not  fail  to  admit  that 
democracy  is  not  per  se  the  only  factor  in  the  welfare  of  nations;  this 
must  be  sought  for  in  something  more  permanent  and  deep  than  the 
outward  form  of  a  system  of  government.  His  conception  of  a  political 
ideal  is  condensed  in  this  doctrine :  "the  most  perfect  system  of  govern- 
ment is  that  which  gives  the  greatest  possible  sum  of  happiness,  the 
greatest  sum  of  social  security,  and  the  greatest  sum  of  political 
stability."  But  it  is  not  possible  to  attain  these  ends  when  the  status  of 
the  men  for  whom  legislation  is  made,  has  been  disregarded.  Thus, 
after  making  an  ingenuous  analysis  of  the  population  of  Venezuela, 
pointing  out  its  characteristics,  Bolivar  emphatically  advises  against  the 
thoughtless  copying  of  the  institutions  of  other  peoples,  no  matter  how 
far  advanced  they  be  in  the  matter  of  pure  doctrine,  and  demands 
original  measures  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  people  of  Venezuela. 
Stability  is  his  great  anxiety.  He  is  personally  aware  of  the  manner 
in  which  authority  is  challenged  by  the  individualistic  instinct  which  is 
latent  in  every  one,  but  which  develops  in  a  violent  manner  among  those 
who  having  distinguished  themselves  because  of  their  qualifications, 
audacity  or  success,  feel  that  they  are  fit  to  grasp  such  authority  and 
exercise  it.  Bolivar  fears  anarchy  as  much  as  he  fears  tyranny,  and  his 
earnest  desire  is  to  safeguard  the  State  against  either  of  these  extremes. 
Hence  the  idea  of  a  hereditary  Senate,  which  in  his  own  words  "would 
be  an  intermediate  power  between  the  government  and  the  people,  that 
would  blunt  the  shafts  these  two  eternal  rivals  direct  against  each 
other."  His  entire  system  is  inspired  by  the  thought  of  the  imperfec- 
tions of  the  people  and  the  risk  there  is  in  trusting  them  with  instru- 
ments of  government,  by  far  too  delicate  for  their  uneducated,  inex- 
perienced hands.  In  everything  Bolivar  shows,  besides  the  greatest  ap- 
preciation for  liberty  as  the  acme  of  human  aspirations,  the  fear,  tem- 
pered by  prudence,  before  the  possibilitj'  that,  in  aiming  at  an  impos- 
sible perfection,  the  effective  benefits  of  a  moderate  and  dignified  free- 
dom be  sacrificed. 

He  desires,  above  all,  as  the  foundation  of  public  happiness,  the 
formation  of  a  national  character,  more  effective  than  all  the  written 
laws.  He  proclaims  union  as  the  motto  of  the  new  born  republic  and 
urges  "as  the  paramount  care  of  the  paternal  love  of  Congress,"  popular 
education.     As   a   statesman   he   believes   that   nothing   stable   can   be 


CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA  13 

founded  unless  based  on  justice  and  righteousness,  and  exacts  that 
morals  be  a  part  of  the  government  ot  the  people. 

After  earnestly  requesting  the  adoption  of  these  principles,  Bolivar 
still  finds  new  words,  not  merely  to  urge,  but  to  beg  for  measures  which 
are  a  consequence  and  crown  of  the  great  sacrifices  he  has  undergone. 
"I  leave  to  your  sovereign  decision  the  reform  or  abrogation  of  all  my 
statutes  and  decrees;  but  I  implore  of  you  to  confirm  the  absolute  free- 
dom of  the  slaves,  as  I  would  beg  for  my  life  and  the  life  of  the 
republic."  This  is  conclusively  national  unification,  which  otherwise 
would  not  be  understood;  it  is  the  application  of  moral  principles,  and 
a  safeguard  against  contingencies  and  social  cataclysms. 

Finally,  the  Liberator  asks  Congress  to  sanction  the  grand  political 
idea  of  the  formation  of  a  great  state  inspiring  love  and  respect,  with 
the  necessary  force  to  guarantee  its  own  existence  and  to  carry  on  its 
liberating  action  far  beyond  its  frontiers. 

The  Congress  of  Angostura  fulfilled  in  a  large  measure  the  dreams 
of  Bolivar;  it  was  worthy  of  the  trust  and  discharged  a  historic  mission. 
A  gathering  of  tried  and  illustrious  men,  the  Congress  of  Angostura 
was  worthy  the  importance  which  the  Revolution  had  assumed,  and 
in  creating  the  powerful  and  splendid  republic  of  Colombia,  it  ceased 
to  perform  a  Venezuelan  task  in  order  to  fulfill  an  American  mission. 

After  a  century,  the  political  ideas  of  Bolivar  appear  to  be  endowed 
witli  that  eternal  life  found  in  all  that  is  drawn  from  nature  by  a  deep 
and  sincere  mind.  Leaving  aside  all  that  which  circumstances  of  the 
moment  bring  into  the  thoughts  of  evei*>'  statesman,  there  yet  remains, 
as  a  store  of  teachings  justified  by  the  history  of  one  hundred  years,  a 
wealth  of  clear,  consistent  principles,  still  having  the  novelty  and  fresh- 
ness of  the  most  glowing  political  doctrines.  It  is  towards  the  unity 
of  national  character,  towards  a  just  democracy,  free  from  tyranny  and 
.lacobinic  exaggeration,  towards  the  apotheosis  of  morals  as  the  only 
possible  basis  of  social  redemption  and  stability;  towards  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  the  homogeneity  of  peoples  and  the  effacement  of  caste;  it 
is  towards  the  community  of  continental  interests,  based  on  a  har- 
monious conception  of  right,  fraternity  and  respect  among  all  the 
nations  of  America;  it  is  towards  all  these  ideals  which  might  have 
appeared  to  be  dreams  without  foundation,  had  they  not  been  pro- 
claimed by  one  who  had  already  shown  himself  to  be  so  capable  in 
action  as  to  secure  the  liberty  of  entire  countries;  it  is  towards  these 
different  goals  that  the  peoples  of  America  have  been  marching,  some 
over  wide,  smooth,  firm  and  safe  roads,  others  through  difTicult  paths, 
between  falls  and  blows,  among  precipices  and  chasms.     Before   the 


14  bolivar's  address 

recent  test  to  whicli  humanity  has  seen  civilization  submitted,  when  it 
boasted  of  most  admirable  material  progress,  an  awe-stricken  world, 
its  faith  shattered,  turns  its  ej'es  to  that  obsolete  institution  which  under 
the  name  of  Moral  Power,  Bolivar  brought  to  light  "from  the  depths 
of  obscure  antiquity." 

Does  it.  perchance,  differ  from  the  Court  of  Nations  which,  due  to 
the  happy  inspiration  of  President  Wilson,  is  to  precede  the  supreme 
reign  of  justice  among  all  peoples?  Bolivar  himself  thought  that  some 
day  "his  ingenuous  dream,"  improved  through  experience  and  knowl- 
edge, might  become  most  efficacious. 

May  the  memory  forever  linger  of  that  day  in  which  a  great  citi- 
zen of  the  world,  inspired  by  a  great  ideal,  divested  by  his  own  volition 
of  the  unlimited  power  he  had  exercised,  asked  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  as  the  reward  for  his  invaluable  services,  to  deign  to  grant 
his  countrj'  "a  government  preeminently  popular,  preeminently  just, 
preeminently  moral,  which  would  hold  in  chains  oppression,  anarchy 
and  guilt.  A  government  which  would  allow  righteousness,  tolerance, 
peace  to  reign;  a  government  which  would  cause  equality  and  liberty 
to  triumph  under  the  protection  of  inexorable  laws." 

Cai'acas,  February  15,  1919. 


CORREO  DEL  ORINOCO. 


N*.  19. 


ANGOSTURA  SÁBADO  20  DE  FEDRERO  DE  I8l».  9- 


T6M.lt, 


:í 


CORREO  BRAZILEXSE. 

Continuación    de  ¡a    Refutación  del  Correo 
Brazileruf. 

Supongamol  que  el  rey  Juan  fuete  indife- 
rente 31  etii  petición;  y  veamot  qual  lerUj 
\i  conJiicii  de  su»  Coníejero*  y  lílini«rpí. 
Diín  tátiJi  es  U  de  toJcu  lo>  que  iirven  tita 
ptazii  en  GoSienio*  deipóiicos  ;  pero  pjra 
Oemoitfjr  li  de  los  empteidos  de  la  Corte  del 
Br-2il  jtc^irenios  el  dicuaien  del  Cuneo 
BfJi.iefíf.  , 

Coníieu  que  hay  abuyoi ,  principatmeni 
•A  U  íormü  de  lj  admÍDÍ%incion  publica  dv\ 
Drazil — iiiie  »on  necejariii  mucha»  reforma] 
lamo  en  lo  Ifgiiljtivo,  como  en  la  aJmmi»- 
triiivo— y  que  Us  leyes  del  Brjiil  ,  quindo 
era  colonia  y  «^poblada,  no  convienen  al 
lirazil  detcolonizijo  ,  poblado,  Trico. 

Oice  (,ue  los  hombrev  buenos  y  eii>iritiio<^os 
son   los  que  el  Gobierno  debe  comcmjiljr  y 
convencerlos  de  sui   intenciones  de  mcjo-a- ' 
miemo  en  Ut  cosas  públicas  :  porque  la  gi'tiie' 
igr.orante  va  con  U  ccrrienre,  y  lo»  cniplcadc»  ] 
»  j  l'ilAiljrt'*  del  Gobierno  ó  egoiita%  no  cuivlan 
del  biio  gener.d ;     con    tal    que    reciban    mí 
iicIJa  y   co.Tun   y  beban  descnnwdo* ,  todo 
lo  dem^t   lís  e*  indiferente.     Los  que  est.m . 
en  |H>iUr  y  ajtürid.id,    luego  quese  tes  hablaf 
dtf  rvforiiy  ,    lem»  n  perder  su»  comodidades  ,  j. 
y  di  cniíiijuicnte  Ikman  revolución   loJa  re- 
f*.r'»ia,  y   Jiíohínisnio  toda  dcn.ostncion   de 
ahu*nt.     Fertorbidoreidcl  sciego  público  son 
lljinajos     Im    q-ie   aninuííos    de    pnriotismo 
d.-nunciin  esioi  maltrs  r  porque   pcriiubMi  la* 
frri:ion  de  los  mijganjdos    pUccrct  de  e^toi  ¡ 
eC'*i^fas.      Son    sentencia»   del    Correo    Bra- 
tifet.se   en   el    nmnio  oílmero    que   esiamo» 
tmp'.ignindo. 

(  Y  *i  \o\  qiiehin  de  prever  la  peí ic ion  ,  son 
e^oi  misir.oscmpleadL-t.  epoi«tai,  y  aduladnf>í 
ilrl  Gohicrno ,  que  aborrecen  y  deii-vtan  la 
r-forma  '  ¿- como  podra  ella  tener  lugar  i*  Mas 
c'-ifO;  el  Gobierno  >e  compone  de  est -«sniiimoi 
empIeiJoi ;  ellos  son  los  que  gobiernan  X 
I. Miibre  del  rey,  y  los  mat  opuestos  a  (oda 
reforma  qiie  desquicie  su  despoiiimo  :  ;coinoj 
poe*  eipfr*r  de  ellos  el  suceso  de  la  petición  í; 
Si  el  rcjí  fueie  un  hombre  de  vinud  y  talentoii 
extrjorjioirio ,  tal  vez  proxería  contra  rf-. 
diciamen  y  voluntad  de  sus  ministro*  y  con-* 
JuWortfs;  pero  siendo  tal ,  qual  lo  describió  un 
pajiíl  Ingles  después  di-  *u  emigración  al  Braiit, 
nada  de  provecho  podia  esperarse  de  él.  "  Un 
hombre  de  escasos  lalenios  ,  de  un  carirterj 
dcbil    é  irresoluto  .    y  enier^menio  entregado 

i    sus   favoritos.      Asi   esti   de6nido   eo 

"  A  Sketch  of  the  causa  and conse<jveneej  of 
the  late  emt^rction  to  the  Brazilt.  By  H.  ' 
Jtt/.'ance." 

"  Ni  U  Filosofía  ,  ni  la  r? ^elac ion  pudieron  , 
•nsfñarle  al  Editor  del  Correo  Bratümu 
que  los  hombres  ,  creados  ik  imagen  y  teme- 
jinza  dcUioi,  debian  depender  de  la  vnluniad, 
humor  y  pasión  de  un  ir.divid-ib  tal  como  el 
que  eiti  reirurdo  en  el  Brazil.  Y  quaxKJo' 
íueie  mis  sabio  que  Silomoo  ,  mas  fuerte  que 
llerculc».  j  mas  virtuoso  queTrajano,  tampoco 
tendría  defcho  para  mandar  á  ju  antojo ,  y  sin 
Ii(  tribal  de  una  Constiiudon  diciada  por  el 
fueblo,  6  lUí  repr^ientantes.  Toda  auiíp-idadí 
<íue  no  le  derive  de  este  piincipio,  es  ilegitima 
y  uránica.  Todo  Gobierno  que  no  redunda 
en  utilidad  de  los  gobernados ,  debe  ser  abolido 
ó  reformado.  No  se  congregaron  lot  hnmb»eJ 
eo  sociCtUd    par»  sicrmc«  lus  dercctiba  jSi 


interesen  \  tas  comodidades  y  placeré*  d«  una 
sola  persona  ó  familia  ;  el  mejor  estar  de  todo5 
los  congregados,  su  s^lud  y  felicidid  fué  b 
mira  de  so  congreg-jcion.  tü  tm  crirncn  de 
blasfemia  «I  decir  que  Dios,  sariando  poste- 
riormente sus  designios  en  la  creación  del 
hombre,  lo.  destinó  al  servicio  y  titilidad  de 
cierto  nítmero  de  sus  semejantes  ,  abaliend^'lo 
\  \w  clase  t'e  hn  bru:i>t ,  y  deons  cosas  que 
hacen  la  propiedad  de*  los  ricos  y  le  trasmiten 
a  sus  hiTi'Jero*.  Fstos  son  loi  efcios  y  esiís 
las  corueqiiencias  de  la  filn  doctrina  que  hace 
derivar  inmeJiat ámeme  del  Cielo  el  puder  de 
los  monarcas  absolutos,  drtpojando  al  puf'Sto 
de  lu  soberanía.  Sobre  esta  falsa  di<triiia  bao 
girado  t(«  di'pirat<>s  que  reprojluce  el  Canco 
Bruxiíerijr  ,  quaiido  (cniura  la  revolución  de 
Pemanibuco. 

Adelantando  su  critica  el  escritor  de  este 
periódico  ,  duda  que  hubiese  e!emeatos  am 
guos  para  esta  empresa  ,  y  deide  luego  b  lUma 
obra  del  memento  ,  parto  d?  ir. consideración  ; 
se  quexa  de  la  precipitación,  error,  r  injusticia 
de  sus  conJuctorei  i  y  tos  tacha  de  ignoramis 
en  materias  de  Gobierno  ,  .idministTa<:Íon  ,  y 
moilo  de  conducir  los  negocios  publico»  ;  y  no 
como  quiera  ignorantes  ,  sino  con  una  tota) 
ignorancia.  Lt  comestaremoi  cap'itulo  por 
capitulo. 

Los  antiguos ^lementos  de  toda  revolución 
tal  como  la  de  Pernambuco ,  n»\Bn  otra  cosa 
que  los  sentimientos  n.íturales  contra  Ii  opre- 
sión :  el  de>eo  mnato  de  la  libertad  en  el 
hombre  es  el  resotte  principal  qoe  da  impulM> 
]l  su  maquina  para  rccup«iar  sus  derechos  usur- 
pados. Si  «"ítos  nobles  sentimientos  no  eran 
generales  en  todo  el  Brasil,  al  slitema  de  su 
Gobierno  debe  atribuirse  esta  mengua;  al 
habito  inveterado  de  las  cadenas  es  imputable 
la  indiferencia  y  apatía  con  que  el  pueblo  las 
tolera,  L^sben,  y  las  bendice.  A  esta  degra- 
dación brutal  debtg  el  de<p6ta  el  que  la  mayor 
parttíde  los  habitantes  de  aquellas  Provincias 
se  hubieren  declarado  cooira  la  revolución  , 
ofreciendo  en  obsequio  del  tirano,  con  la 
tnayor  proniiiud  poMble,  sus  penonaj  y  bienes. 
;  Y  de  donde  nace  principalmente  este  embru- 
tecimiento ?  De  docirioa*  tales  como  las  del 
Cvrreo  BraiiUnje.  lista  es  la  leche  que 
maman  quanios  tienen  la  desgracia  de  nacer 
en  monarquías  tales  como  la  de  Portugal.  A 
.«ta  lactancia  debe  el  tJitor  de  aquel  Correo 
la  baxeza  í  que  ha  descendido  su  pluma  , 
acujando  a  los  Pwriotí*  de  Pernambuco  ,  y 
tributando  incienso  4  la  Casa  de  Draganzi. 

De  ella  dice  que  es  la  mis  populír  que 
jairxas  gobernó  i  los  Portugueses  ;  que  la 
revolución  de  Pernambuco  nada  teoia  de  comiin 
_coí>  H  odio  que  se  suponia  contra  la  dinastía 
remante  :  que  en  oposición  i  los  poquísimos 
faccioso*  que  levantaron  su  descontento  h'aiia  el 
punto  de  rebelión  ,  se  podía  alegjr  la*lnmtn!4 
maforia ,  ó  totalidad  de  los  habitantes-  del 
Braiil  que  se  declararon  contra  ellos  ,  ofre 
ciendo  en  dcfi^nsa  del  rey  sus  personas  y  biene> 
con  la  mayor  pron-ilud posible.  Asi  se  explica 
en  la  pag.  210  del  Corre}  de  Febrero  del  año 
pasado ,  y  aKcoopera  i  perpetuar  li  eKlavítud 
de  los  Draiilense. 

Que  fitese  obra  del  n^omento  la  revolución  , 
parto  de  la  iaconiidtncion  ,  del  error  ,  y  de 
la  precipitación  ,  tanto  quiere  decir  en  el  con. 
cepto  del  escritor  como  revolución  no  bien  me- 
ditada ni  combinada.  Pero  quiíieramos  que 
nos  scrialase  «O  U  historia  de-  lai  rcv'otucionei 
quale»  »oa  lu   que  lun  teiúdo  buen  cijio, 


sii-mpre  qoe.SD)  promotores  h«n  <^>ef  tifo  merfi- 
tírlas  y  combirunas  deí  modo  que  pm'rnde  el 
Co*  reo  Brvziiente.  £n  la  t^rdanja  hj^^pcl». 
grado  iMas  las  qu<  se  han  preparado  y  aüáttr 
udo  conforme  al  método  que  atU  cm  su  mertie 
tenis  concrbido  d[  Editor  -quahdo  reprob^ta 
ta  de  Pernambuco.  T(rda«  bs  vecej  fiímtftbj. 
prolongado  el  tiempo  de  la  eriiiirtn  pnr» 
4umenrar  el  numero  de  adeptos  j  de  mei^ap 
mas  alia  de  lo' qoese  acostumbra  en  semej^nte^ 
empresas  ,  lodo  se  hi  malognilo  per  (ai  dehi- 
íione»  y  perfidias  de  alguno  de  lotconfidehíe*.' 
TxH  boinbres  buenos  y  rspiritnosos,  ion  en 
lo^fjc  fiartes  lot  que  cor\ctt>en  y  forman  lu 
revoliicrorres;.  en  todas  panes  son  imxoi  lot 
individuos  de  esta  cali'ad  t  rllo^  to»  los  que 
debtniíaL'ar  y  executaf  bi  operaciones  iitunrec- 
cionales  contra  el  despotismo;  cl  s«u«io  de 
ellas  no  debe  fiarse  a  la  multitud  :  csn  va  coa 
la  corriente  ,  y  casi  nunca  desa  de  sej^uir  tk 
grito  y  alarma  de  sus  corifeos. 

Nos  valemos  de  la,  misma  raioo  que  ilefr» 
el  Correo  tí r azi íense  para  decir  qoe  los  hombre» 
buencn  y  espirituosos  son  loa  qtK  debe  contení- 
pUr  el  Gobierno  y  comeneerlos  de  sus  inten- 
ciones de  mejoramiento  en  lasaro^a*  púWicaí  , 
porque  la  gente  ignorante  va  con  la  corrieot^. 
Casi  tod^s  las  revoluciones  empierm  pqr  el 
rompiniicnio  de  muy  pocos  ii^dividtjós.'  Lease 
la  del  Duque  de  Uragania  en  Portu^  ,  y  »e 
hallara  comprobado  el  hecbo  ;  Hát  lu«  Espa- 
ñoles contra  Boiraparte  fué  iniciad^  por  itii 
puñado  de  gente  en  Madrid  y  por  el  grito  de 
ana  verdulera;  la  dr  Venezuela  cyplra  l« 
autoridades  que  te  mcimabin  i  est^f  y  pasar 
por  las  cesiones  y  abdicadonfiíje  Bayona  ,  no 
tuvo  mas  principio  qjj*  et  de  iimáfícial  que 
etclanió  diciendo  *•  Vív»  Fernando  \'1I.  r 
mueron  los  Franceses."  La  otra  revohicion 
de  Venezuela  por  su  independencia  y  libenail 
fué  obra  de  un  ni^mero  muy  reducido  de 
per  son  tv  avecindadas  en  U  capiul,  y  de  muy 
pocas  semanas  d^  concieno  ^  U  de  l^parn  en 
Mayo  de  I  »08  ,  y  la  de  Caricas  en  Juiío  del 
mismo  año  fueron  obra  del  oiomenio  y  no 
premeditadas.  Parto  de  inconúcfencion  ,  de 
error ,  y  precipitación  era  la  de  España  en  el 
juicio  de  Napoleon,  y  sui  panidaríos ;  y  la 
de  toda  ta  América  iiuurrecta  le  merece  el 
mismo  cODCcpio  \  Femando  ,  y  tus  servidores. 
f  Se  continuará.  } 

■  I     ~^ 
LA    MEDIACIÓN 

Cirvliaion  de  la  Expoficion  tabre  la  Media- 
ción entre  la  *'^fi^  ^  ¡a  AflUrita. 
Si  Fernando  te  resuelve  i  etta  grande  opcra- 
racion  politica  .  qoe  puede  costar  dificolifad  al 
Amot  proprio  ¡  pero  no  al  deí  Ven  f  d«  b  P*:ria, 
se  hallara  de  un  tolo  pato  trankport»d9-d<IiIrlo 
^n  que  él  vive  al  en  que  vive  Europa,  se  dará  a  it 
mismo  y  i  lu  nación  uoa  nueva  éiisteneia  y'cam- 
biaraa  un  tiempo  la  fax  dtr  la  Europa  7  del  Munrfot. 
-  ¡  Sombra  de  Henrique  IV.  I  vuela  del  Beamé 
jnict  qtae  pai^  este  rápido  inttante  dado  a  i« 
Augatio  Nteco  para  salvar  ó  para  perder  sa 
trono  y  %u  paii  1  !  — Eleva  su  imaginación  a  ta 
Jiura  de  tui  ideat ,  muéstrale  la  trnda  de  U 
.;Iar¡*  f  del  hcroitmo ,  hazle  cónofn  el  precio 
le  un  m^-naento  en  que  Iat^  ir.rn(nt0&  tülct  pue- 
Jenevi'jrsey  tan  inmensos  bfenev.'adaulrtrse  , 
t  etcitalo  en  isn  a  adoptar  Us  dot  ünic»  medi- 
Jai ,  de  qae  depende  la  ulud  y  cK  ñf^findecí- 
n:cnio  de  España  F— Cfbieríw»  repreinttaiiTa 
r  alianza  con  Ai^itnca  ,  j  de  qu/  oTra  cotauMw,^ 
sua  clU  para  levantarte  de  es*  lecho  d*  fiWp^'t^ 
y    'evart*  a  uD  (radodepodei  y  Je  proij 


FAC   SIMILE  OF  THE   ISSUE   OF      EL  CORREO   DEL  ORINOCO 
CONTAINING   THE   BEGINNING    AND   THE    END  OF   THE    LIBERATOR  S   ADDRESS 


En  „lM,  >f  Mti  f  'I  Co«¡rt>«dfuov,ir«: 
wt  Pr<M«lr  inUrim  dt  /->  RepM.ca  :  prro  ocr,.-, 
ríJido  ,ruch,<  ,!,J.c^¡ad,.  fo-  fa,  ''""'"■" 

™r  2K>  Í  fo  «ms  p»'  ♦»  *»'■'"  ■  .»  "  .""""'"'  'ri 
7i,>.(MM  a  commkarle  t.'a  r„«lmcn.  LI 
C,«™/  conlesló  «uc  íní„  ,.or  „,.,*.n.-io"  «  '» 
u,„»ciacdmiliadenca'S'>.  t»"  '»  i'"-"»  ""■ 
¿¿"i...  dfmiohfifstr«'  d  i;,m,.opreJUad«. 
■  MsiM'tnli  dia  ,  d,->p>>'^  dr  larga.  d:.ci^>jj!. 
„r,co«xiinnanm„nmlr  la  aM.ala  nfctidaddr 
■  en  las  aclaalli  circm.taliciai  caahavatt  vVe- 
,a„n„l  el  Gennat  i;..L,v,>«  cala  Prendr^fa 


'  iTaOM  el    *iail<!o-Sút>ffmo   de    VeT>c7!ieTi.-**í 


fífc  dfhído :  ha  oi^'niinjti  .Vit'fli':' ( ru/^ /x.-ff  ,) .    .    .    v.      >.,  .     _r. 


1' 

rtnai 


ir¿firffi  di 


dfl  Estado,  y  unn   Üipulaoon /u<-  r^argi 
comnmcarír  e.'.tn  drUrm'mdi.n    r«an>Jcslandr,U(^ 
p^  Ifrn^a^  ratings  en  que  .rjun-iaba.^    Ao  o¿.-í*rff 

í.cr.-/o  bs   moii-os   do  .u  roisícncu.     ^«  lo- 

verifica  en  et  síguieme,  .--if 

Oi-lClO    DEI,    Gf-NFRAL     S1\TON    BO^IV.XK    AL 

"  Sf-íor  Secretario  del  Congrtia  ! 

*'  En  eitc  Ínstame  me  ha  honrado  el  Cprí 
KVSO  Soberano  con  un*  serundí  Dlputacioi) 
presidid;»  por  el  hou<.i.il>W  Sen..i  General  Uhi>a- 
iitTA  par»  anunciarme  mi  cminnneioO  *ft  n 
Presidencia  del  Esudo.  Yo  Cbtuy  confuso-, 
me  hallo  optlmiJo  con  el  cunr^lo  de  senli 
mleñtos  de  respeto,  curiiider.tcion  ,  y  gráulud 
que  me  inspira  U  binevolenci.i  del  Suí>eiano 
Congreso.     Si  no  consultase  mas  que  mi  obt  J 


oi  ■>  la  felicidad  riela  Kcpüblita  .  •  ii  M-fL'fiJ 

rrnmos  eita  la  balanza  de  i.utstroí  dMtino^  ,  Id 

íTwdíJa-  de    nuíbira    gloria:    iMjí  lellarin  le* 

it'aliritentíj    t'.E   co'iuiiiq-ff-suf  respfíh-ffy't  D^crcios    t¡ue    fi;;cn    mfiír.»    L'tfiuit.      L» 

Citd  momento  el  Ci'fc  .'^u, ■remo  i'.eU  füe^nr 
blica  no  es  mas  que  un  siiujtlc  Cnidíriíurf,  *^ 
lal  quiere  (¡ucdiir  lubt.i  la  niutrlc.  Strvifírfrt 
embarguen  la  cnrrtra  de  Ls  annas  mi^'ntríiS 
híitla  enemigos  cu  Vcnezi.el ..  ^;oU¡iud  óh 
fri'nii;n.r.ius  luios  rient  la  l^atria  C:ip,iCi"»dfe 
dlrit,iila-  cjlcnit/s,  Virtudes,  (.\¡.eiicin.ia  y  quaii- 
10  te  ri'.iuicre  ^jjr.i  mandara  h(>'i  brei  libres» 
ion  ti  pairinionio  ric  muchas  de  lo»  que  *qu"i 
'  rijifesemau  el  Putblo,  y  íiit:ra  de  c->(e  bobw-rano 
Cuerpo  ie  encutíiitiafi  Ciudad Jtios  tpie  en  tyt^nj 
éfoca*  han  mostrado  valor  parJ  ¡irru^tnr  lo4 
peligros  ,  prudencia  para  evn^rilos ,  y  el  arte  en 


.e  pAllQuen   suJ    rior»bramieu!-jS  :    tí'    f-a^^"    """ 
rt/t«  átr  Artiüeria  por  eUot  ,  yM  m^ndr  >lnf>^r 

igenerdmenie  e.ía  CtjH:al  por  hi  tioc/ir  df  ft'e  //»a 

.^  t¡nt   al    intenta    t.E    C0'»uniq-¡f.i 
Ordenes  a  la  C->mctnáanaa  Lienetal 

"  Tcn'T'y   e'  honvr    de  t,aníu<tHfLo    a     V  I' .dé 

orden  dJüebs' am  Citgreio.^  Ün}>  IIUU"(' ''  ''¿'■• 

mui.hos  a7ifií.:*=  Fülmio  del  Cinfí'riu  en  W",-'-»"'''''! 

nde  FcOrerode  1SI9.  <)".=  llscm...  S./ioi  =^  hll 

I  rU'-  \ 


¡'ocal  Sccrc^a\ 


ni  Co 
ula  cit  el  uíiu  lif 


encia  ,  y  los  votos  de  lui  corazón  íolaii*  ,  ci>mo 
he  Mdo  inviudo,  a  tomar  po^^i.ni  de  la  dign-dad 
díPresiJsnic  de  Veneíuela  ;  pero  la  convicción 
íoqueeMoy  de  ser  incapaz  de  llenar  debida 
meiiie  las  obii¿:aciunes  de  primer  Magistrado, 
mcfucrzaarejjrescnUT  somisamenie  las  justas 
CA.ií.is  que  me  impiden  servir  a  la  Repüblita 
ea  rl  Poder  Ei-c^nvo. 

"  Una  dolorosa  experiencia  ba  mostradoquan 
incnmpJiibks  ion  tas  funcioneí  de  Nía^jístrado  , 
y  iK-  Delensor  d--  la  Rcpii'-rua  :  muchos  reveces 
Ií;mos  sulViJo  porísLir  reunidos  el  Poder  Míli- 
+íirv-yrrt'etvil;  pui-s  qui  un  humbrc  sülO'ÓO 
puede  atender  a  U  conservación  de  la  paz,  y< 
al  eiercicto  déla  guerra.,  ^y  im  hombre  solo 
di'licilnieme  reane  las  viriuJes  y  los  talentos  qu* 
nquiercR  el  Tribunal  y  el  Campo.  Ademas  he 
reconocido  en  la  pnicttca  de  los  negocios  pübli- 
cu  que  mis  fuerz-is  son  insuficientes  para  sopor- 
I II  U  formidable  carga  de  un  Estado  Militante  , 
y  al  miinio  tiempo  en  la  infancia.  Los  Rcpre- 
•ententes  del  Pueblo  deben  saber  que  apvoas 
icrian  bastantes  loJas  las  facultades  de  todoi 
nuestros  Conciudadanos  para  componer  un  Go- 
bierno repai  ador  de  tantas  calimídades  i  <  que 
podra  .   pues,  reparar  un  moldado? 

«•  El  Soberano  Congreso  ha  nombrado  unJ 
Vice -Presidente  pata  suplir  mi  ausencia  de  111 
Ctpiíal.  Yo  debo  e«ar  siempre  ,  por  mi  estado , 
au-^nte  de  la  residencia  del  Gubitrno  ;  por  con- 
(¡g'iiente  este  V'<^*  P""^^'^^"'^  "■■*  siempre  el 
primer  Magistrado  de  la  Nación  ;  y  liendo  un 
atediada  y  sabia  la  elección  que  ha  recaydo  en  el 
honorable  Representante  Zca  ,  actual  Presidente 
del  Congreso,  yo  me  atrrevo  a  rogar  a  los  Re- 
presentatites  del  Pueblo,  se  dignen  admitir  la 
respetuosa  renuncia  que  hago  de  la  Presider  . 
del  Estado. 

"  Mi  amor  por  la  Patria  y  mi  deseo  por  con- 
triSuir  a  U  eipuliion  de  ios  l'iraoos  de  V'ene- 
2itL-]i  me  inician  imperiosamente  a  repre«niar  Ip 
a\tt  tengo  el  honor  de  CMMunicar  a  V.S. 

■'  Dios  guarde  a  V.S.  muchos  años.  =  Angas- 
tiira  i  16  de  Febrero  de  1819.  9*.  — BoLiv.ia." 


D  [  í>  t  I'  R  S  O 

Pronunciado  por  el  Üenn-ul  UoLiv.iK 
gtesogeneral  de  I  aei 
lnsl^acioi\  I— 

«  SEñoK — j  Dichoso  el  Ciud*iano  que  baxq- 
el  escudo  de  las  ai  mas  «le  su  mando  \n  conV*- 
pado  la  bobcr^nia  National ,  jara  que  exerjíJ 
SU  volun^aJ  abioluta  !  Yo  ,  fües ,  me  cuootó 
ertfe  los  seres  mas  favoreci.loj  de  la  Divina 
Proviilcntia,  y:»  que  he  lenijo  el  honor  de 
reunir  a  los  Representantes  del  Pueblo  de 
Ve;nezuel3  en  este  Au¿.js:o  Congl■c^o  .  í.i^Kte 
¿;e  b  Amoldad  legitima,  deposito  Je  l.i  volun- 
tad soberana  y  arbitro  del  Destino  Je  U 
Nación. 

"At  transmitir  a  los  Representantes  del 
Pueblo  el  Potteí  Supremo  que  se  me  había 
confiado,,  colcuoloe.  votos  de  micoi^ion  ,  los  ^ 
de  mis  Conciudadanos  y  loa  d«  nuestras  futur;is  ( 
.gcncracioncí  ,  que  lOfJo  Ifr'ttipeíto  de  vucina 
sabiduría,  rcctiud,  y-prudeflci**  Quandocum 
pío  con  este  dulce  Uebtrjíme  hberto  déla 
mmenii  aulori.^ad  que  tne  agoviaba  como  de  b 
responsabilidad  ihclíffldA  que  pesaba  sobre  mis 
débiles    fuerza*.     Solamente    una     necesid.id 


fin  de  gobernarse  y  de  goLvi'njr  a  olr,js.  L5tt  t 
Huütre»  líaronei  rr-ercteriiti  ,  üh  t'uda  ,  Ifií 
ívifragloí  d¿lJCongre?oy  h  ellís  sp  encargar.^ 
<íel  Gobierno  ,  que  lan  tordi.ll  |?  JirttffámtMt 
ícabo  de  renunciar  par;»  sÍLnijTc. 

■'  La  ci'fttiiiuacioii  de  la  ai-lovidad  eti  uil 
mtsrtia  iiiJiVftl'io  tVtqUv'iitt:menti.'  ha  s>do  el  tér- 
mino de  los  Gobitriid»  DenifKratica^  Lu) 
repcti'daí  elictioncs  si'ii  e  tnciaKs  en  lot  sif- 
tem.íS  jjopulaics  ,  por  que  nada  es  tan  pcligrfcso 
c«m>j  dtj.ii  ;-eimain.-ti.i  Ur^o  tiempo  en  qn  mis- 
mu  Ciiidad.iuo  el  /'iJí/cr.  Ll  Pdeblo  »e  acosr 
[umbra  a  obedecerle,  y  el  se  «coslumlna  i 
mandarlo,  de  dmide  se  orifíina  l.i  usurpación 
y  la  tirani.t.  fujuito  zelu  es  la  gai^niía  Je 
la  Libeilad  RepiíUlitana  ,"  y  nu^stn-s  CiuJaJ.i- 
iios  Jil-,n  tt-m-T  en  sobrad.»  j.i>ti<.ia  que  «.I 
mi^niD  May'Sviad»!.  .[dc  l.i»  h,i  ir  ind.wJo  ntiii.!.j 
tiempo  ,  luí  mande  perpetu-inieurc. 
I  *'  Va  .  puL's  ,  que  poi  csie  acio  de  mi  adlic- 
j-  cion  a  la  Libcrt.id  de    Vcne/.iie!a  purdo  ;ivpiiaí 


fortosa  unida  a  la  voluatad  imperiosa  dtl  Pueblo  !  >  ht  gloría  de  ser  ciiLido  tutn- si 
me  habría  sometido  al  terrible  y  peligroso  en- 
cargo de  Dict^d<fr  Ge/e  üupremo  de  la  fíepú- 
Uica.  Tero  ya  respiro  devolviéndoos  e-ta 
autorid-id  ,  qje  con  tanto  riesgo,  dificultad  y 
,peaa  he  logrado  m«>t«o«- en  m«dio  de  Uí 
tribulaciones  mas  horroroja?  que  pueden  afi'gii 
ir.onoicrpo  social. 

•■  No  ha  sido  la  {-poca  de  la  República  , 
que  be  presidido ,  una  mera  tempestad  política, 
ni  una  guerra  sangrienta ,  ni  una  anarquía  popu. 
lar ,  ha  :;;do ,  m  »  «1  desarrollo  de  todos  los 
elementos  desorganisadores  :  ha  sido  |a  ínun- 
duiftn  de  un  torrente  infernal  que  ha  sumer- 
gido la  tierra  de  Venciiuela.  Üd  hombre 
y  urt  fiorobre  Como  yo !  ;  qtw  diques  podría 
poner  al  ímpetu  de  estas   devastacionc  ?— 


>f«lr-; 
niantis  ¡  pt-rmiliJnie  ,  í'.tñur,  q:ii:  e>foii;;.i 
con  U  Ir.uiqueza  de  tiii  vi'idadetu  _líi-püb,;it  ¡in» 
mi  rtsi-etuoiiO  dictamm  en  este  í'ic.i/iil"  deCott. 
í/i.'i/c""! ,  q;ie  me  toni6  1h  libertad  dt  .-■.eteri  í 
cii  leiiinionio  de  l.i  síiicdi-'.'d  y  dfKiiiJ<i  Jtf 
mi»  scnt-niKiitos.  Como  se  tral.t  de  la  sahtil 
de  tod'is  ,  me  iitrcvo  a  creer  que  tcnjio  dervcho 
p.ila  ser  oiJu  pui  los  Reprcsentmies  ikl  Puiblo. 


Yo  se  muy  bien   que   v\ 


isir.t    "riibiJuiia 


I-i 


nicnejtL-r  de  coiuejos,  y  se  tanthí  n  que  mi  1  u»- 
jecto  ac.ii'i  os  p;irecer*a  erróneo,  irr  pr.'Cticihlr. 
I*iio,  .^eni>r,  aceptad  con  hn.igivdiulcstr  tia- 
bajo  ,  qLtmas  biiu  es  el  tnl-.K.- de  mi  siictia 
juiniíi.  1-  al  Co.soi.iMi  qiii*  rlifeclodc  iir.:i  live. 
dJM  p;ev.Tiiun;.i.  P'i  otra  paite  ,  hiendo  vi.ii- 
crtacion  de  un  cuerpo  pclit' 


tI.fSlli 


y  aun  se  podri 


d>-. 


r  1,1 


de  un.1  socie. 


[I.eido  Míe  OTicio  en  el  Coa^ito,  se  «uiciuron  drvír--i 
(]üci:itfnr, ,  icibtr  que  hubo  lAr);a«  dibCutiotm,  de  Lu 
(|ujlk*  y  dA  rnultadn  f«  dari  doUcu  al  público  poi 
un  buplcoicDiú  i  cita  Uaico-] 


■. Ji  :..T.....  J.>  ¿,,«rin  rpi,».  I  q"«    P'e»""   un'  SI 

,  i<ij.id;iri>  r.tifje 

ádvtrtir  U  prcM'nsia  de  uu  ¡.eoj^w  n  .i.'.»iiTtv> 

ó  de&conocido.  (I.)    


uáo  nm  sue  im  vil  juguete  deVhvnon  mí-  \.  J       P 

lucionjrio  que  me  anetaubi  cerno  un.  dtbil  ,;  ■","'"  •.  1!  1-'""  . 


nul.  I 


paja.     To  no  he  podido  hacer  ni  bien  ni 
Fuerzas  irresiltiblM  han  dirigido  la  marcha  de  , 


nuestros  sucesos.  Airibuirnielos  no  serla  juslo, 
y  seria  darme  una  únponancia  que  no  mcreico. 
1  Queréis  conocer  los  autores  de  los  aconteci- 
mieiuos  pasados  y  del  orden  actual  í  Consul- 
tad los  anales  dé  Espafia,  de  América,  de 
Venezuela  :  examinad  las  IC7CS  de  Indias  .  el 
regimen  di  los  antiguos  mandatarios ,  la  influ- 
encia de  la  religion  y  del  dominio  eiiranpcro  ; 
observad  los  primeros  actos  del  Cobicíno 
Rejiüblicano,  la  ferocidad  de  nuestros  enemigi's 
-  el   carácter  nacional.     No   me    preguntéis 


pre  lamentables  ,  apenas    se  me  puede  suponer 

simple  instrumento   de  los   grandes    móvOo 

que  han  obrado  sobre  Venezuela.     Sin  embar- 

1  go  mi  vida  ,  mi  conducta,   todas  mis  acciones 

I  publicas  y  privadas  están  sujetas  a  la  censura  del 

_  |(  pueblo.  —  Representantes  I      vosotros   debéis 

-  "SPUESTA  nnL  SF.CBET.íIllO  DEL  CONGRESO  l|  juzgarlas.     Yo  someto  la  historia  denii  mando 


"  Lcghladoics  !  Por  el  i'royecto  de  Cons- 
titución que  reverentemente  HMiieto  .1  sucstra 
sa^idiiria,    observareis  el  c-ptitu    qi.c    lo    In 
dictado.       Al  proprncros    la  divisi.-n    do  les 
Ciudadanos  en  activos  y  yisivos  ,   he  preten- 
dido excitar  la  prosperidad  nacional   por   lis 
dos  nías    gran.les    pjl.nncas    de    la    industn.i, 
I  el   trjb.jo »    y  el  s.iber.     Lsiinn."..iiii.o   .»to% 
I  dos  poilcrosos   resortes   de    la    íotiejad ,    sO 
(  akanza  lo  nr,is  d.ficil  entre    lo>  lioa.hits,  h.i- 
íobre  lose{ectoi  de  eítos  trastorno!  para  "fnt-'-i^jji^j  ,^^.|,„,|„j  y    felices,     l'onienjo  restru- 
"^'  '  clones  justas    y   prudentes  en  las  Aseinblc.K 

Primarias  y  Electorales,  ponemos  el  pr  1,111  r 
Dique  i  la  licencia  1  opular ,  envii.indo  U 
concurrencia  tunuiltuari;i  y  ti't;a  il'ic  en  t'^li'; 
tiempos  ha  imprimido  el  de>.if..rto  en  la; 
Elecciones,  y  ha  iigado  por  co-.i   -fíente,  le 


t 


.uestra  imparr-al  decision  ,  nada  añadiré  para 
eicusarla:  ya  he'dicho  quanto  puede  hacer  iili 
apologia.  Si  merezco  vuestra  aprobación  habré 
ilcanzaJo  el  sublime  titulo  de  buen  Ciudadano 


Al.  CtNtRAL  bolívar. 

**Ejano.  Se'ior:  So  habiendo  el  Soberano  Cotí 

greta  í^'íU^onal ,  accedido  á  lat   repctidat    rentm- 

(ilúdela  Frendencta   tnterin*  del  Estado  <¡tie  tt 

confirió  á  V.E.  en  h  Sesión  Urdinana  de  ai/er ,  y  *'  pj'eferíblc  para  mi  al  de  Libertadvr  que  me  ¡dio 
confirmado  eite  nombramieMo ,  y  ti  de  Vice- Prest-  \^  Venezuela,  al  de  Pacijitador  que  me  dio 
d'nte  del  w»«o  e-i  la pertona  del  lienor  Diputado  \  Cundinamarca  ,  T  a  los  que  el  mundo  entero 
Thancisco  AsJoftioZtK.por  la  de  hotf  hasta  yue  1  ,    j 

e.;..   destinos   sean  conüü.c^^n^ente   eleguijís;    j  P^í)' -  ^;^¿„„  ,.    Yo    deporto   en  vuestras 


desacierto  a  los  Mjgistr.Klos .   y  '■.   'a  nnrc'. 
del  Gobierno;    i  uos  este  acio  pr- o-JmI". 
el   acto  gener-iiivo 


Esclivitud  de  un  Piiebío. 
"Aumei.t.irdo  el'  l.i  b.iljuzr. 


-  povUre- 


i.itítior  de  ll    Ke[>i.bl>c»    y    A\\ 
Tfienn.     Sr  h»  c'fid"  <i">v""ei'i 
.l*mine  el  printipioy  fin  dd  U.»ci 
mitfiDiUM  Wdo  pi.r  tciWfiJ>^. 


Vllte.jMM  bubici*  'ouJo  aiprnr  tit)  n««itra 
JaJrpru  l«nciA  *  No  ti  pof  cicito.la  ckiéril  éo- 
inii:*c>(rS  4¿  un-'MtuiJo  ¡  rt  »u  c(«nrTCÍ<>  lo  que 
impon»  k  la  Nacrn  y  lun  al  Kry  ciiimo.*— _ 
J  Y  «U¿  comparjciofi  partlv  hiber  emrr  un*tnp- 
nupolto  m>tC[4t>l«  y  eie  merciJo  inmciuo  que 
ii  todo>  \ti\  pucbl'%  y  a  tWi  prtnc  i  palme  rite  t^rf 
II  Amif.»  independifiito  y  libre?  Situ.idá  >  la 
ritirmlJ-'d  ilf  Kurripj  ,  rndrada  cjm  t<iJi  de 
pucTioi  )'  iavt»<-cidtt  tli't  Cielo  con  un  clima 
deliciólo,  un  >iiv'1o  lib>'i4l  »  ckcc1-.'ii(c»  proJuc 
cionCí ,  na  pocu  niÍn.»N,  y  un  putbio  iol.iio, 
CJ|»a¿'d<.' 1.1%  m-ii  altit  eniprecaf  t  y  di«i.iji  dr 
"un  cirictít  y  de  uii.i  conMancia  iÍTi);iilir,  v.|o 
Ir  tallaba  uaCt^bicnto  que  hiciera  v  ilcr  c^ru^ 
vvptajih,  y  ^tii  comercio  aciífo  que  rearmura 
laf  Arfri  y  la  Industria  at-iit^adaí  por  su  hiv- 
baros<%trm.t  »lf  oclnrion  y  de  intolttar.ci.i  — 
P»tOr\Cc  fcuinertí- -i-n.-  debe  J.irle  4  -nov  > miento 
viuil  I  n^  pucd*  e»Mir  s¡no  i»  Uvi.r  de  la  .tn.h- 
tiJ  Je  AíPrcica,  y  amittad  la  rua,  iptmia  y 
)  I  ma^  j*cnero«i.  Es  de  ti>J.i  evutrticÍM  que  nt- 
t'xi'a  por  vlgunoi  lüo»  d«  C'noíMi)  u  t  líber. 'te«, 
y  aun  de  cifíf^iptuiU-gioi  pjra  ^'^n-'ncí  Ijci.t». 
currcftcia  con  1.1Í  P'.clo:.c*  i»duMiK>tas  en  nuv» 
lru%  merciJWv.  Y'dcc  ella  que  irrmimJA  per 
lit  atm*»  la  conqj.ii  1  eiit^ra  de  ^lI^  vIm  Inue- 
pindencia,  h^rno^  Je  teñe*  U  <>tOp-da  condis- 
eoiiJiuCia  «Je  perjyJic  ai  no  i  vit  nuf-Hrni  teU- 
cion*"*  comfrciaUí  pan*  f-ivorectr  lot  .ijrbiia. 
mirnto*  J."  lu^  fibricas  y  m»mificluTji  llovía 
q'ie  lltpurn  a  cmpetu  con  lo  m<jori-i  de 
Europa  > — N\  ,  l.i  Arrerica  no  han  wc;!rn,-i'''i 
kino  p'»r  lili*  pr'->i.la  p.i/  ,  í»i>a  pr-sfi-otí  it.tirí- 
p*Ja  ptÍJa  ^f^^■lIU  J«  compcniacion.  Cada 
día  qüL-iUa  difi^'rael  n-cono(imitnto  de  la  \r\tlc 
pi-ftd«i:cia  ahvt.luty  do  todo  «ic  Contiweiiie » 
>in  £•■).(  c<>lidicii>n  preliWiiiiat  jarran  j^  firm-w.» 
ninj;';'!  tiatadA,  es  nh  nuc  u  »,li*«^uK<  paia 
obt'-MT  una  ptí  victtjtiia,  y  un  pran  p-\\o 
hicia  su  pirdÍr¡on.  Pirícc  itrp  viblc  que  ••I 
(■¡..'jinete  d-  Feírniídi  Vil     dei*  .le  conotet  U 


Et  Se^or  Diputada  de  ht  Ksfedoí-  tffh  \   ■  ,* K»  rrg  m  ^  Ctf-H&itj ,  m  tn  hi  p»4crici  é$ 
"B.   Irí'IM  ,     V   "■'*'    ^^  '"'    CoMLliRCiasit     I  •'  ,f»iif«   p    ác   7'rejcr.a;  era   ti   ttaa    Awrí/rf* 

"  i^H^a  ,    Sai\t  m    Ircho  pogíta»  que    Ao^iu/o. 


iNOLbflf  mat  f-meméri/c)  de  la  Irtlr^tn-  , 
íí'-flft'ti,  tn  represfnlactim  de  los  demat,  Jue.un 
•rontndadot  a  esie  arto  soíemtie  ,  j/  ftüoct  in  ' 
m.'rr*  flíif.  i'roihor,  (Jtthirntxdor d'd  O0is¿>aÍD  1 
y  las  ¡'ririCTOt  O'Jes  militarft.  U  cor.c-^-v>  I 
df  ertrcngervs  jf  de  Ciudadanas  Jité  ntty 
ni/merúío. 

El    CtFE  SvPhtMO  iir/'J /a  Sfiíwi />wr  .'.• 
tectu'd  df  HH  DisniíQ  tan  Unto  de  intturjt 
Inri  jfíiri'tiro  t  que  nt   Cmda.'fanus  ni  Ej^r  .^. 
f,-  rus  viiJicron  conlethei  La  Idj^rioius. — Si   ne- 
ciutt ,  iu  ccetilo »  la  cjpreiion  de  su  SfíitL'ttte 
iodo  afri'dtíaf'ci  la  ictduú  de  íuí  sentimi<i.'Oi  , . 
y  Sil  tt.timn  adhi'siun  d  tos  principióte  filat.trO'  \ 
piaulf.ltfKTal'-s  '■'(-  que  hacta  e%  MqtteLBíXt/  I"  t 
Tí¡,u  paffñra  «  u-!ti:inr  yrf-fesio».     El  iAjttO  ¡ 
j'iinci¡'al  di   it  JJiíCui'm   ein  cjpontT  Insjúi  - 
d-ii:-»los  d*-  un  i'royecto  di-  Co/iitituavit  far 
S.ll.  iítísen:a(>a  al  Vvngteio  ,  y/tncct  irr'juf 
na  t't  mns  adaptada  d  '-''fílfu  país.     Laftí^ 
ftttiunts  con  que  eott<'tuia  ,  dcilarandj  i'»<a' 
lii.1t   ,1    Congruo,  I,  t'CCRicirndo   fu   tí  ta 
¿tidttixn'iít    Aoi'icfííí/ ,   fJCi.'aton   ti  iwi-  it'io 
fitu-^KíS...  .  ,  solnr  toj^j  qiuiHd:<  e»!'¡nu<.'tijt-  ¡n 


•:  if-iu  <  ■ier-¿ia  r.rliaotJt-.-ir\ 


■u     " 


Illa  y  tas  tie  'i"'s  unities  « 

í  j/iíM  sicMj'fi-  ftWUUi  I* 


«•.;.--:,.,«, 


eS-:ld'1  , 

..  M,  .., 

íiV  an.m 

.■f,V">'"    /^  ■<H'iait.~  /'<:.!   el    O-n^. 

l'aiizii.la."      A    «í/.i    Aiz  y  tfpefiífa    un -'.r.i 

l'V^.'.^/'fl  el  ectiíiasOt  ?<•    yigi*!Ú  ifiJ  ii'l:-'  <■- 

ArtiÜ^lifí. 

l.l  C.ivt:  SurRCMO  i>r.ii'.  ..vr.fu.?  el  (.'o^- 
pr-c''^  It    que  ¡•ivcidtese   d  l>t   t'ncivn  ifi  • 
J^r/si.i VI f"  Interino,  Juna  cT.trf^aifcel  matido 
Hendtanih  dedo  d  riva-  loz   rl    DipiUadJi 
Kraschco  Antonio  7t*,  S.E.  le  to»^  «I 
jiiran'enlo  Súlr^  loi  Sitfíli  í   I':Jn^flit<s,9  f 


I  que 
idamente  xcilído ,    Irazaha  la   Cap:tal  del 

*  Slu'ido  y  potiin-Un  fy'.dumiittoi  dt  m  tHeintío 
'  ¡nijrtto.  Arirfj  irií.'iiia  r.lií  lino  m  j^entn  : 
'  ve  ia  h.iiia  ('r  ;:tande  wh"  i7  mitno.  /  o  «  per 
'  fl  iparalo  í.f  ta  ni"i""fcer.íia  tie  nutUra  inilaU- 
'  <ion  :  uno  por  tu*  iihirmix  mifdivt  quela  Salu- 

*  Tu. "-la  fiM  ha  ptíipnit  '•■r.i\  •  y  por  íot  imientut 
'  fi&ue*  qu*  xtuotioi  emitifinrit  para  apnr.rchaf- 
'  Ivt  t  que  deit'rj  e'i'cutanr  fa ¡^randita y  el puiltr 
'  futuro  de  iiiitttra  ¡{epíiUica.—Lita  iHiiina  sen- 

.  ffez  y  el  e-píeidi'  tie  etegriinje  acto  de  patria- 

*  i.iitfi  áe  qur  el  íimttal  Botiv  \n  acata  de  dar' 
'  tai»  ilustre  y  mrmorahU  ejemjJo,,  imprime  tt 
'  ata  ivtetKHidud  un  carJcirr  ttitifiuo  ,  qutet  yM 

'  ui  prtmgroi/e  tot  a!lu%  de%tinoi  dt  nteilro  p<¡u. 
'    \i  Hona  id  A¡rnat ,  hltpnttit  mifia  en  ¡a»  ifr- 

*  «rru»  día»  «te  tu  fterdiiJiid y  /at  itrthdet  pihíua» 
'  *u  fjrnrnl'i  uit  eiena  tnat  tuílirut  ni-  «MV 
-•  ntrretitntf.  ¿.1  i<.ifigiitaciijniectáHa  oiconiril- 
"  I  'afla  ,  tiet-iif^it\rH  lot  tigf"i  y  tai  ditlOMoat, 
'*  V  »•  "jfrot  wi-  mt  'tot  treímot  cahiempotamAn 
"  ,tri.^t  Ari'tiiie-  y  I—  PAocionet ,  dtUt  L'é^tLt 
"  yl:-  I  ¡Hi-i.t-'.ifi*.  L«  mitmá /laiit/Opíá  y  Pt$ 
"  mi.'"-.-.  ^rii'(-i¡<>*  íilrrfítet  qmf  hd'i'tffrmdio  i  ÍM 

G*i  •  r.r,  ^Vutir^., , teta  alta  aatfjetifiaittM  fi<k 


•  \^'fi\-'i-  L'»i'<en;iti  ret  VnpnttoJK  ,  l'tto^Trafo- 
;..-ir-i'«jj  *íte,  Sla'<^>  Aiiri-li>j  .  qté loireiKfdiaarUtdigrM* 
:. '.  •■ib'  "•■*»'*.  tJ'j^unhny  entre  ríUi  á  ftlt  téf^etto. 
**  tíquet  a! ;  y  entre  tdn  r>l/und/a  t4t/)anar,-!  de  la 
.P^Morta  y  loi  ieitdtaanrt  tie  la  fioAttiAn£—r 
''  ^aet  ahora  que  fmede  juilnmente  apreciarte  ti 
"  ,  fUime  tagu  de  virt^  patnilnn  de  que  fietm^ 
''  .ímÍ  adniíiaff-'ret  mas iteii  qtit  trsttj:oi.  ^aitdé 
"  STf/rru  Jiutilucio'iit  ka^nm  trcifildu  la  tttici'in 
*•  drl  Piempu  ,  quanjn  Indo  A)  drhil  y  toda  lo  f>r. 
*•  jVTÍ<j  de  nueit'a  rdad,  tas  pí.io)tet ,  li-t  mí*» 
**  rr>«  y  If"  x'onidndet  h"\,-i'i  itmpafrctdu ,  y 
•  WÍoyiífrfíi  L.\^r'í'Ucsk'í.h:-i  1/  lot  ffdmdft  *-.;». 
«Mi,  #vl'^fT(/.  ir  hará  á  U  iLdicackíHddiirtteetít 


.eic'a    del   pH'íjrTt,    y     iti    ¿meo  irmedin 
G-itirHso    ITf.  hiJísTATrvo  T  Ai-iA-íiA    n\'\  Concluido  el  jut\in..tttOt  S-E-  cvh<'' al  F>rtt- 
\t\\\<L  CON   Am»." I-  4.     Ku  e»to*'  do»   pii.iios  I  dr  .te  cu  í^  silla  que  ocii¡>fíbii  ¿I  mi*ino  Lus-j  drt 
e-tWrff^Jatodain  polil'r.i  .  y  Je  tiV^t  deperjp  I  íf,/.<-,  ,  y  Jirtgic'tdf'i:'  ul  at.vj/O  iHiliíar  di.'P*Tj 

íaluJ  yfl  repowilp  U  Eiirop?  .  a  quen^J.i  j  «•.\-«'»ivj  (jci'fials  ,   G  /'S  v  Ofiiialej,    4f' 


»ii.iian  t'iineSFo<omo"Tiii'ire»o(ocioninl'>.t>a 
1/a  de  Francia  ni,*aLii4  íidon.asqut  uii»urrio 
comp»r«J,*,c'»i»  1'  <i«  un  puí-blo  ni^  méioneiti; 
b'.e  pof  Ja  fir  mi- 'a  de  *u  «ar.Kt'^r  ,  que  por  tu 
ignoianc'»-,  lii  ilfO^pemci'*.  y  ivi  fanaiNmi.. 


segiuita   diodos  tu   Miern/uvi  iivo  d  wio. —  '    •»  BHMivar  r-.i-'i /<j  ;"jAífla  y.'í  ^vjc/íL.  y  f*  «ff-1- 


cu.iipait.'rii!-  dt  armas  ,  tfitofivs  no  .'t-'/iCi    ■■« 

V4,-v.,.-.,  .,y,.-»,-  rmpUiir...»  ,„lc  r/o^»   S„,.,i,  ¿//orf.. /o.  rnr.„ ,  «.  ,í.«o» 


i  -'•  (tf^  it  p'<i:U"tiarii  éoa  vr/^^lf^tm  y^nrif/f  ; 
*'y¿H^  hlifi.i^  oirtí  m\:>M,Mié.  J'a^íU'tno  J' 
••  l&^  lo  q¡%i-  ft  tta  itft&c  y>r  rtM^tiú  ttit' ltd — 
.*f  «l|ft  aiOi  de  a'i¿:rutut*  y  pr!'íc*tí¿ifi  Stinjfti^ 

<•.  tbttf  ,  erfmertn*  de  ftf  d^jkíf^^  te  atar^i 


¡jado  ytv  d btt'i  /«'Vi-     Coti/a/ido  eati  i-Vfi 
tra    sii'i'iii'ii   V'y   á   darte  en    i.ii    i/(/,'*i.'/»*jf 


fie  aq.ifciiu  oSiOlf»  ^erd-jJsTamfi'ie  d  rr.'i  Ji- ,     ,  .ti  »  r     .     ^-^ 


Fií'n.ií.d"  a  prwUm.ir  un    CctHemo  V.ry 

•.ui'O  y  U   li.depfrjencil  de*fifm^f^lX■.^¿r<co.'i 

ni.dio*  de  ev>iar   en    L»paña   ura^rt^oi-.ci.jn  ,  |  ol  Fr.-i:drnic   dti  Con¿r,'-j ,  y  f. 

que  no  deurli  de  crnumirarv  a  Frat.caí  y  |  J j  ¿ítr/yi  ,  eontínu'*  : ^*  ií'-i^' 

lorbiti.i    por   targi's    »'.<^^    la    trinquilid^J    dt       "  "  " 

Eiir.ipa  y  |,n  relaciona»  drl  Mundo,      tniortr** 

obiepJiit%n  rl  t  t'tlo  diviti..  de  b!erhpchor««.ik 

U  humir.id.tJ.  l.jírar-an  .i*egiu;>i  Ii   p^i  J'Ja 

Cr.nLCiJ'«'ur.iv[f{Al  ,  y  ínsrtcoriín  •!  iccuiííTi- 

m  -ntu  de  10  Jn»  los  pueblos ,  loi  aj  Í4Uí(*  de  \u 

i.gru,  y  Lu  bendic.ono»  de  U  pnieridad. 

{   CcNtH-l'N.   ) 


INSTALACIÓN  ofLCONCRH^O  CENt 
KaL  d»    VEN'F.ZULLA. 
yievidoi  íes   IXipUadas  íi  t\:ta  Ca^'Jtcl 


■h  I  e<t', roldas   tOí  A£ta»  de   ticrdon  ej.  todo    «'»    /-'    ^  ^     't    L^rnraí  :>i:. 
'l^nforf^rt'al  Br^Jqm^ni'j.Jjo  S.S.  tlXiPft    **f"'-  t'./>  .V"^"*  ''''  ¿<»  /¿^ 


j.l  obi'di.ntin  ^.ciji^ftndvU  el  m:ind'\^e  qittyb[ 
I  es  al'ti  enrar-^ndo."     Dúieado  cUo  le   ú« 

:  >tJ.Nfjtt\ 
ti:  ;.'.-/»>- 
ilil9  eí  bjUnn  tie  Gctirrdl  qm  m:  *.■■  .f't- 
■•*^arii  ictiii!'!  f¡-í.:fq  lit r  grado  é  €..  •/■  é 
qm*  ft  Can¿r,-'o  me  datine,  es  pcu:  pf' 
hotifiio  ■  rit  it  daré  el  tien.piú  déla  >.ticfrái- 
iw(<.';<  v  de  ti  riega  u'jtJirnci^  qt.e  d-V*^ 
di^ti*ifiuir  i¡  iOiío  Sí,¡d(itlí/ de  la  ¡If-pitUicu,'"—^ 
Kl  Rnii'iiHtc  din^ieridose  al  í'o'.^tíJ"  dixo: 
"  Frrece  quer.oadmt!edi^aui»ntaí-jr^rmacA"i 
de  tiiitu:  lí.s  gtadoi  y  emplets  caiJertJos  j  'jt 
S.E.  ti  (ietitidl  Simon  1íolit*r  dtiiunfe  m 
Gotiio  nu .  St\  end'OT^o  pido  p.\ra  daliirttrfo- 
Ut  'ipiAjl-ac.'-n  eijttja  drl  Con^Cio."  ^Farere 
el  Corfrt !(/  qiÉC  U'S  grados  y  efíifdeos  conjtrl' 
d'>  ¡f  S.  h.  el  O'Cfl-ri:/ St.'josi  liOLlVifc  , 
¡tfpiLtua »  tecn 


'^*  tfxnaUe  Jira  no  drsetpernf  de  ¡,t  '.¡lid ae  1* 
•■  ■flCf»:»  ,  xirttdula  iHÍ,/tt¡f)Ja  ,  y  tt  fliíaltdt  y 
"  í-X  ;  prfíiindn  ,  dif^'T,  tie  tffiot  tiltioi ,  quf 
'^  Imuí  ata  ni-^'alid'^d ,  ptira  ¡Lur  u^lémníe  la 
V  «HEDi7i>'i  en  !»  ij  f  estan.or^nJj  y  fldtaM«Jjt 
**'Í¿  ti  A:'>.,t^  rctmxiadi  la  /ttSoiiéitdf  ^»> 
"  ffwma  ^^quiíi.Jí  c^a  un  n/r  ecia  mat  ^tK^aJ 
**  gjte  iifts,  ^Hinu-i  airaA't  inhi^  já  &!«,:« 
,*•-  tñ^ltat  y  eulumnia» ,  y  qaa^fh  na  etm  mi.« 
«■'.^  \m  título  al  parecer  vamf  t  »ada  ¡ulf^a 
*S^ia*ida  de  laudable  y  muJio  xítfpvlUyte  ;  per» 
'\-&P^,ctIo  en  (I  mámenlo  m  que  est»  Amtorvimá 
'*  c6/mÍ''ná  1)  t'-ncT  algunas  efTHi.iivM  ti  loi  Ofut 
*'  J/'l'i  a-.i'-i.'iort  V  quaiído  fjJ'>^'|dffig  pr,xziuiit 
**¿'/.Vnii  !■*  'Í.a''-í.i  df  nutiJfO^  datM,  y  hacerlo  df 
\*' 4frpno  m-ji  'Ufi'l-i  y  pvC  gt  paro  amor  dt  I* 
';  mtinJ .  f.   n   fl  virlad  torn  Íítt>j><  y  laa 

y 


I     pO' 

del  día  In  /.j./  /.iri^n  dtl  O 

L'un  satra  de  JríiUina  ot  ^K^iriTf  rl  Sol , 
If  una  ituminfiff^n  gCTierul ,  C'^wtiJ  tt  14  'a 
S/I,l,in:,t¡aii  dti  djo  í^ir.neu'.r. 
■ijÁ  í^^mitw  el  hot  se  iiizo  btrM  ¿atva  de 
Jthilltrta.  Íjús  üipulfdn  k-  ic^rnteTO^á  ta% 
*diri  y  '■filia  en  ta  Sala  del  Palacio  del  Go- 
Ii7i'i  .i-r  df^lmodti  d  lut^rstoñeí,  y  el  Estado- ^^ 
yi/iipir-Gexftl  t  el  Gober^odm  de  la  Ptuta 
V  Cw^a*danle-^rnerat  de  la  Pr*jvtn(ia,  Grfu 
'V  Ofnahdpd  --k  .*./  casn  drl  Grje  Suptiru* 
ptrra  orofuptd^'tl-  li  fnn  ou^uUa  íCt.-rHOnio. 
'  'fin  firtf"""  *  atgntcuiTtn  la  niatcéa  de  la 
'r^»utite  ,y  ÍPS  Dip^adOí  talierott  á  rr^ilir 
ü  yC-  Juera  de  tas  puertas  dít  FaJttci(K~~ 
Cq  unvtcM»-  éetítua"ffnto ,  que  cevji'tlra  el 
y^e<fff  ,    trÜit^Uí  .'j^i.yjiii  miliictei. 


híe  ,  qu,  ifO  n'/  s¿  ti  k»  temtd.^  modelo ,  y 
dtripet.t  dfi/iit  trilla  imitatájerí.  Ftm  q.t¿  t 
t^rtLiltrenio^  n-nalrot  qte  eldnerai  Boiiv  \n 
'ít  eleve  t.ir.'Q  taíirt  fM  Oíi'ciad.idaiioi  q^tt  lot 
•vrtrM  cfn  tu  zU/ria  ,  y  n-  tralarcMii  ¿  tot 
1  •»«.';  de  Ctjm¡,fiir  con  t'l  <-»  nt'det  y  patriotic:! 

dele  rn  p,e  tapo^dtcrot  q..e  ú  ,  y    el  Prcíi.  I  "  ^""^  rKu.M.mme;a./erfr  ew  ^tt^Aidondad 

,      ..      ...  .  If.  .    f  «^  I  '    -o  li'rr'tadt   iif'tao   tile  pie\4iameai«  ei  wni'J 

tuHep^>tU.u(oyJ>rrtra,  en  la  hisonade.yh.  1..^.  ^^„,„„,a,  f_.Vo  ,  «j.  repHio  c^,  eterf^a 
él  Copitr.n.Grt,.  tal  Si  >40S  IXOUVAK,  fodJs\„  .,,^JJad  el  Central  b^uv  MI.  j^«t,j.,jOm^* 
tii  grados  y  cn<¡lrOi,  t^i/eriJcs  ^-or  eV  ifuaa*  *.  *jj^,^'  ¿  mtptar  %>.*»  Autond^d  ü  que  /w.i 
dttTatde  ¡uGuliin  no;  y  diwdvleudíle  tltaMtmti  m  artkpre  he  ren-H.iadtde  I>l9  Ciraton  por  f¡ri-i. 
'     '       '    '       '~    ■*"         '^ -^  'pi:t  a  p'.r  ^r'i!Í-iT'>ti*."  —  *' CaitinHO  exp 


le  div  fí-.iiiito  o  ru  dirtcAa.  Unpiiei  óe 
ot¿'_u.iCti  nn.-niniis  tie  aftncio^  el  Fitiulcnir 
/ahí'  *  n  eitot  Uroiíii'V.  ' —    . 

'■  i'c-da»  tot  ^act'.'tt*  y  lodtíi  h ¡  /mpti io ■  yue 
*:  '^11  ri  iM  infancia  dr(d- i '^  peque.iot ,  <c-^^ 
•*  ttomhre  mumfj  a  quien  dti/ea  tu  tiulituduti.-mi^ 
•*•  K-'tat  graidrí  Ciudndtl  que  ivd9\ia  nn^mirtfi 
V  ta  itnaetuac-'^i  t  Mmjl ,  í'al.nira  ,  Ttbat ,  4i< 
"  j.tmiirtj  ,  Tyra  ,  la  Cafiluf  mitin  dt  litio  y  iV_ 
»'  Sriirg-íi,  y  fj  tti>-.l/irtt  ,  H'trrtia  fí .' 
■'  Sr'ij'a  dr  i.  li'rra,  n^  J.-itie  rt  f.d  frini^V". 
"  Ur>  Tvta  que  ufíé  «wij«;na  y  yni.traUe   •'-:». 


nirt-í/fJ  /oi  ptligruy  ',  Uf  f  J/f  11  ta  lihertitd ,  CwííC- 
"  -ok^j  pt.r  mite'-*  tif*tip9  n'i  »wún.o  AuhAt*  M 
••  mhucrm  Autrridid :  mfíu'/}<l¿  ta  ntKtttdad Je 
V  f,*«ítiier-e  CKutm  lat  mi.et  .te  -i  jImm  o-eí^ioJ  , 
••'*Á/»a  i.«  tic  ti  fuitmo que  tto  lr»ia  m'.Mjrt,H»  te- 
-  ffJndad  d-- pet^ar  y  t'.-  ©A/i'  nempieJit  mítm.» 
•-  -mt  do,  y  Ifimii^S  tu  Duxur.a  pt«ttxi'inJ9  tu  ti 
"  t.mo  natjutrley  dcvi-n'.  y-e  ei  "i-^ii'i  i."'» 
,  nor  ttiivuna  coniid-raaa»  ^X'U^eria  t'intat  ,i 
•  ..•■litar  U'U*  Autoridad ,  a  que  tan  t'i'.líit  k  l*it 
•'  fyrtamtate  Kaiiartuuñ^Mdop^r  oí^juijí  -  tu 


L,b,.  y  Escbvo  :. _^^_._     ^^^    n.n^  ...^^  T.^_^  ,„„.,uilo.e,pecudo,r,.   ..» 

Ig,  genios  cu.iod,os  de  b  An.er.ca,  T  >  'J-^' 
somls  demiores  de  un  eterno  reconoc,n,.ento. 
.íomo  igualmente  de  un  c"n.pl.m.emo  rrl.g.oso 
ílai  sacradas  obligaciones  que  con  ellos  himo. 


"  i;  dep""»  <"  '»  «•    ■'''  ''™n'-  '     Ó  lí 

;\  «onocuu.     Al  P»'';''l[¿°;fr    K.'a  h.  podiao  llena,  los  nobles!  ,,   nnes.ro.  bv- 
ie  l.s  Jueces.   1»  """-/,  J 'tÍÍ"    de  n.,.«os  generosos  guerree  >       .no    nu.s.ra  nd  1  dad 


r  encien*  n"  '» -■  , 

-.hechores  .  quinto  la  gloria  de 
"u.«ra'"fidel.dad.      Fere2c,n>o.  P'iif",»  ,H"/ 


¿enicncia  ceno  Us  del   talento  ,  as,   ..^  pro-, 
Xccione.  «ns.t.s    como   las  '«»"P'^'^¿ 
¡,¿1 .  IOS    mon..Ji«Kos  de(  m?en."   '^'^^  '_ 
Jcl  ciíricto.     Esta  Pnt.clor-i"  '''^'V      ' 
taon/ruo  de  d,o,    n.l    f^"--.;^,"     j;',:,'. 

,l,ora  hj  si.t..  el  »2i>e  Je  Ij.  p.e^ o  '•> 

,,  els-ii..cO  .n.,s  r.f.:-Jo  M"'  1»:»'-"  "'«'l 

í;,:iohi,.rn,..id.de..c.,'S->-<'^""'"'"''-1 

xh..l.il.v.|«.-ro-  .^^-.c'iodc-e-e 

..■Med.L.v..l  ."J-.'-f  e'  "■  "»  '^■^'  '    ,    ,„  ' ,. 

„,,ar  .1  ca.-.c.er    ,   '■ '  ''";"'"-^';'  '  !  Jo 

,;rv,-,a;h¿.Tr...osh.>,.¡V'.<''  "■=;',  r 
Ja  ....  lacia  d>-  i.se-var  un  I  '■'  "  ^■"•■' ; 
•  del  tunt',0  de  1..  obsfn  ,  a,nn.'.''-'l  '1  ■  Y  ■-« 


iJr.'n,  ílfun  jde  mi 


4osíO.»,  detoJoslosb.enes^ueantes,ose.ait,    ''«»;" '°¿X'nTp«n-o  ,  laTtosp^rWad, 

I  '      ,     i  o   rár'  con    <1  P'"W°  ''?"■"  "P'^'tva  lo  «eo  en.i.ndo  a  todo,  los  r.c.«o..d_e  1» 
°"'-".':°  '     ■;,..  i  .„s  Resrctciantes  oican 


mvolvuUdas  Leyes    q-  ■  ""■'■■"";^' '  '  L  '  ni' sñ  .'lea  como  el  ¡.re.mo  Je  m,  Jeb.les  ser 

Ve„,so.  1.  .,rv.,J  entr.  los  ü'  «>■  •■  Y  Rom.-no»,  .  r  >      ,.  ^  „„j,eso  orjere  la  oístr.buc.on 

v!T,^,  ...le  ..r  te.  .00  1-or  un  cSncUJo  del.r»..,  '  "«      ^  N..io,ales.,   co,.lur,ne  a  la  Ley 

,  Is  no   ;  im..o..bV  ,  ,  ,o  me  l..on,.eo  ,,.,c  no  1  -  >-  ^^  ,^  r,,,^,,, 

n.cjorad^  ,.or  la  csi.cnetlc.a  y  1-s  luces  .  |  t.ed«^      _^  ,.^  ^^^  po,i„fir...o!^:nu? 

."n.„or,..Jo    '.e   h   tiWercenc,-.    c^.^f  1" 


ha 


...r  Joy  debereynar  entre nosouo>   por  .. 
e   .■,■,.,  SU...1  q.e  c;raae.;.a  al  Cob.erno  Icdj- 
r  .'..  .  .  iK  sido  arr  ..traJo  1  rog.rros    p.ra   c, .. 
a  U.,..eiS  el  Centralismo  y  la  ,eu...on  Je    tojcs 
■l.V.staJos   de  Venezuela  e.,   ,.na  RepubW 
s^laé  „nl...s.blo.  Ls.a  meJ-Ja  .  et.  ^n,  op.  .on  . 
„r..er.tc.  vit  J.reJrmor.,,  os  de.^1  ...l.'raler.a, 
-.q  ,e  "sin  ell.t,  el  1,-ut,  de  ..ue.-tra  r.^cncracton 
.Aera  Ij  n.uert..*. 
•    ..M,   deber  e.,  Legisl  .J.ires .    p.c....raro. 
.u„q,adro,.rol.s.yr,ade,niAd.x„n,strac,.. 
PoUtica,   C.v.l.  J  M'l.ií'.   nna.  sena  ""»'' 
demasiado  vuestra  impor.a-..  ■""''■'"■' P'; 
Varol  en  este  mo....-ntu  de  un  t.empo  ta.i  prt- 
c.0>0  com..  u,e..nte.     En   ""-Í-' •"•■;"■"_ 
,Secr.:ar.,..  ¿e  L„...lo  Jarin  cu.nt..  ^^l  Cone'.« 
de  sus  d,(e.-entes  l)ei..,..me„to.  "\b,enj.  ¿ 
™ls,np  tiími.o  los  U.)cur.eoloi  y  Arch.sos  .,ae 
sTvtr.t;  a  ilu.,trac.0D  para  tomar  un  eaactQ 
;contK.a.-.ento  tlel  cstitlo  real  T  pos.uvo  de  Ij^ 

■'^'Í'yo  r.Ó'o5habl..-.a,Ie  los  actos  mas  notable. 
de  „„  ..>.,,.do,  si  e.t...  ..o  ¡ncun.b.esen  a  il 
m.yuria  de  los  V.  •,cro¡,n..s.  Se  trata  ,  Señor . 
de  l.s  rKoldciones  n.as  unpor.antes  t^e  e<ie| 

„.bria  con  su   I.  .itf.  .......o  la  t.erra  de  Vene- 

-..HV.,  .  n,.estr..  C.e'o  -e  hiUabí  recKgail", 
Ve  tempe.t..osa-.  NuVs  sue  ...nenazabjn  Un, 
iCWvialde-  Í..Í,  ..  Yo  ¡m,Ure  la  •;'o<ec^onl 
.•«1  ülowe  la  h.-nani  .ad  ,  y  luego  la  tttlien- 
cio*-<)isi..ó  las  tem-.es.ades.  La  esrUt.tud 
rompió  íOí  grillos  ,  y  Venezuela  se  1.»  .».'>", 
,a  cana  d«  nuevos  hijos ,  de  hijo,  agradecido.  . 
«jar  han  convcit.-O  lol  ■,n»uroenlo>  i«  W  '">■ 


He  centro,  de  emporro  a   ,"  -.- 

'i\  ó"eo  en.iando  a  todo,  los  r.c.nto._de  1» 

lili    rfiVll'.S*     pl.4r[as    '**    ^*  "*•    /  «r™ 

Lombres  d..l.en,e,  del  antifino  universo.  ,  Y. 
ÍaTe'o  comunicando  ....  P'«'-<'' '«-  ^^Vd^ 
,,bins  que  gnoran  quan  loper.f.r  et  la  soma  c^e 

,c  poriufir.úos  triunfos  li-o-os  logrído  J'^'  '^';;'  •  j„  ,,  „,,„,.leza.     Y.  la  veo  Krtad» 


i  OMC  por"»'--""'  -""^ .  '■        1 

aro-,aJ.r  las  ho.-ves  Española,  desespeeaj. 
la  Corte  Je  NhJn.l  lu  pretendido  sorprender 
'^amc^.ela  con,l:ncla  do  lo..^magnan„T,o. 
^bcu  os  que  « .b.n  de  estirpar  ta  usurpas.on 
Wat   ania  en  E.nopa  .  y  Jeb«í ser  lo>  pro.e  - 


i^~"t"^I^^Mf3EB~^3^^í^^~^ 


niCnivl^Li  »   ; -  - 

Cus»   A.n-ricana.    índpai .  de  alcanzar  con 

,os  a,.na.  nuestra  sumisión  recurre  la  España  a 

ta  poMicainsiJlftU:  no   podiendo  véncete». 

.vacrldo    «-nple"   "^'    "'"    suspicaces— 


Kero'.n  lo  .e  Ka  h.im.liaJo  hasta   confesar   q 
ha  mcr.e.ter  Je  la  p,-o:.cc,on  "'"-f  (*>;;" 
retomarnos  l.u  ignominioso  yugo  -.  1  ""  y»  S* 

que  todo    pxl.r   es   nulo    para   -^P";^»  - 
C<.,.^e,.clJa  Vereíuela   de  pose?r  las  faerza, 
.fio,  ...c.  para  repeler  a  sus  opresorn,  h»pro^l 
.1 . ^. ,   ,lfl   Gobierno, >r 


S  votos   QC    I...  V'.."* I 

„„e  a  nombre  del  pueblo  ri.e  atrevo 
diri.>;ros  Dignaos  conceder  V  V.ne=»eU 
.'cíJ-noemiintimente  popular    em.nen- 

temente  just.  ..-■-;;-,■;;:  r'l\,r  V« 
,dene  la  opres.™,  la  .in.r.in.a  y    a  c".| 

Í;;:'f:rtV„'el'rírio''deU,e.me.írablc.^, 
":?^:!,:ítJ:;Sv«srraa  funcione.,, o  fe 
terminado  las  mias." 


r^X-^^í'^;^';;  Je.  Gobi.;no>r 

w".n..   v.!u«>d  Je   combatir   hasta  espir.     | 


»'  '^'  ,,  °  '  ,v»  w,  600  *»"iire<  de   Ut"- 


ración  !  „  u,  r.4.r»  J.V  -4-««.  n»  ?'"*"""""'„""„ 


,. , ,  mas  l,ei...ca.  mas  -"^'^-^  "V  ;  „  ,;  ,„^Ae.,¿»le  . 

Libri.  •,  es  la  j».  "", 'J^'*' ^o "I,   rcion'J'I  ''""■■'''  "^  '"'' 
el  ho,..,^  Je  ofrecer  al_Congr  so  y»  «nc  ^^J  ^^  ^^^^ 


r  .    «.car  m«e'"-   P',""'°  •,? 
í,>,ler,<7.í«»Wep.r(.e<H''« 


de  Venezuela.  .     ..  ts.„...v,i;...,  i  noítórt..  _^^^^m 


:  Venezuela.  i,  "Cn.-.hlica' I  «*' 

-Dfidé  1.»  «eunda  ép»cn  de  la  Republ.ca 
-U.sae  1.»  .«gu  J|.lfcmentnsm.l.t"e.:jl   — 

nuestro  Eterciio  carecí  '"{.'■„„,  i,' han" 
sicDift!  ha  estilo  desíiBiai»:   s.empM  le  nan 


BOLIVAR'S  ADDRESS 


ADDRESS 

DliLIVUniilJ     liY     THE    LiBERATOH    IN     ANGOSTURA, 

ON  Tiiiv  15th  of  February,  1819,  at  the  Opening  of  the 
Second  National  Congress  of  Venezuela. 

Gentlemen  : 

Happy  is  the  citizen  wiio  under  the  protection  oi  tlie  army  of  his 
conunand  has  convoked  National  Sovereignty  to  exercise  its  absolute 
will!  I,  therefore,  count  myself  among  those  most  favored  by  Divine 
Providence  since  1  have  had  the  iionor  to  gather  the  Hepresentatives  of 
the  People  of  Venezuela  in  this  August  Congress,  llie  source  of  legiti- 
mate authority,  depository  of  sovereign  will  and  the  arbiter  of  the 
Destiny  of  the  Nation. 

In  transferring  to  the  Hepresentatives  of  the  People  the  Supreme 
Power  with  which  I  have  been  entrusted,  I  fulfill  the  wishes  of  my  own 
heart,  those  of  my  fellow  citizens  and  those  of  our  future  generations 
which  expect  everything  from  your  wisdom,  uprightness  and  prudence. 
In  discharging  this  sweet  duty,  I  free  myself  from  the  overburdening 
of  innnense  authority  and  the  unlimited  I'esponsibility  weighing  upon 
my  weak  shoulders!  Only  a  compelling  necessity  coupled  with  the 
commanding  will  of  the  People  could  have  made  me  assume  the  tre- 
mendous and  dangerous  charge  of  Dictator  Supreme  Chief  of  the  Re- 
public. But  1  can  breathe  easier  now  in  handing  back  to  you  that 
authority,  which  I  have  succeeded  in  maintaining  with  so  much  risk, 
ditficulty  and  hardships  amid  the  most  awful  tribulations  thai  could 
ever  afllict  any  social  political  body. 

The  epoch  in  the  life  of  the  Republic  over  which  I  have  presided 
has  not  been  a  mere  political  storm;  it  has  been  neither  a  bloody  war, 
nor  yet  one  of  popular  anarchy.  It  has  been  indeed,  the  development 
of  all  disorganizing  elements;  it  has  been  the  Hooding  of  an  infernal 
torrent  which  has  overwhelmed  the  land  of  Venezuela.  A  man,  aye, 
such  a  man  as  I  am.  what  check  could  he  offer  to  the  march  of  such 
devastation?  In  the  midst  of  this  sea  of  woes  I  have  simply  been  a 
mere  plaything  of  the  revolutionary  storm,  which  tossed  me  about  like 
a  frail  straw.  I  could  do  neither  good  nor  harm.  Irresistible  forces 
have  directed  the  trend  of  our  events.  To  attribute  this  to  mo  would 
not  be  fair,  it  would  be  assuming  an  importance  which  I  do  not  merit.  Do 
you  desire  to  know  who  are  the  authors  of  past  events  and  the  present 
order  of  things?     Consult  then  the  Annals  of  Spain,  of  America,  of 


18  bolivar's  address 

Venezuela;  examine  the  Laws  of  the  Indies,  the  rule  of  the  old  execu- 
tives; the  influence  of  religion  and  of  foreign  domination;  ohserve  the 
first  acts  of  the  Republican  Government,  the  ferocity  of  our  enemies 
and  our  national  temperament.  Do  not  ask  me  what  are  the  effects  of 
such  mishaps,  ever  to  be  lamented.  1  can  scarcely  be  accounted  for 
but  as  a  mere  instrument  of  the  great  forces  which  have  been  at  work 
in  Venezuela.  However,  my  life,  my  conduct,  all  my  acts,  both  public 
and  private,  are  subject  to  censure  bj'  the  people.  Representatives! 
You  are  to  judge  them.  I  submit  the  history  of  my  tenure  of  ofTice  to 
your  impartial  decision;  I  shall  not  add  one  thing  more  to  excuse  it;  I 
have  already  said  all  that  could  be  my  apology.  If  1  deserve  your  ap- 
proval, I  have  attained  the  sublime  title  of  a  good  citizen,  to  me  prefer- 
able to  that  of  Liberator,  given  me  by  Venezuela,  that  of  Pacificator, 
which  Cundinamai'c<i  accorded  me,  and  all  the  titles  that  the  whole 
world  could  bestow  upon  me. 

Legislators!  1  deposit  in  your  hands  the  supreme  command  of 
Venezuela.  Yours  is  now  the  august  duty  of  devoting  yourselves  to 
achieving  the  happiness  of  the  Republic;  you  hold  in  your  hands  the 
scales  of  our  destinies,  the  measure  of  our  glory;  your  hands  will  seal 
the  decrees  insuring  our  Liberty.  At  this  moment  the  Supreme  Chief 
of  the  Republic  is  nothing  but  a  plain  citizen,  and  such  he  wishes  to 
remain  imtil  death.  1  will  serve,  however,  in  the  career  of  a  soldier 
while  there  are  enemies  in  Venezuela.  The  country  has  a  multitude  of 
most  worthy  sons  capable  of  guiding  her;  talents,  virtues,  experience, 
and  all  that  is  i-equired  to  direct  free  men.  are  the  patrimony  of  manj' 
of  those  wlio  are  representing  the  people  here;  and  outside  of  this 
Sovereign  Body,  there  are  citizens,  who  at  all  times  have  shown  their 
courage  in  facing  danger,  prudence  in  avoiding  it,  and  the  art,  in  short, 
to  govern  themselves  and  of  governing  others.  These  illustrious  men 
undoubtedly  merit  the  vote  of  Congress,  and  they  will  be  entrusted  with 
the  Government  that  I  have  just  resigned  so  cordially  and  sincerely  and 
forever. 

The  continuation  of  authority  in  the  same  person  has  frequently 
proved  the  undoing  of  democratic  governments.  Repeated  elections 
are  essential  to  the  system  of  popular  government,  because  there  is 
nothing  so  dangerous  as  to  suffer  Power  to  be  vested  for  a  long  time  in 
one  citizen.  The  people  become  accustomed  to  obeying  him,  and  he 
becomes  accustomed  to  commanding,  hence  the  origin  of  usurpation 
and  tyranny.  A  proper  zeal  is  the  guarantee  of  republican  liberty,  and 
our  citizens  must  very  justly  fear  that  the  same  Magistrate  who  has 
governed  them  for  a  long  time,  may  continue  to  rule  them  forever. 


CONCiHCSS  Oí'  ANíiOSlUHA  19 

And,  now  that  l)y  this  act  of  adlurence  to  the  Libi-rty  oi"  Vi-nezuciUi. 
I  can  aspire  to  the  glory  ol  being  counted  among  her  most  laithtul 
lovers,  permit  me,  Sirs,  to  state  with  the  frankness  of  a  true  republican, 
my  respectful  opinion  regarding  the  scope  of  this  l^roject  of  a  C.oiislilii- 
tion,  which  I  take  the  liberty  to  submit,  as  a  token  of  the  sincerity  and 
candor  of  my  sentiments.  As  this  is  a  question  involving  the  welfare  of 
all,  I  venture  to  believe  that  I  have  the  right  to  be  heard  by  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  People.  Well  I  know  that  in  your  wisdom  you  have 
no  need  of  counsel;  1  am  also  aware  that  my  projeci  may  perhaps 
appear  to  you  erroneous  and  impracticable.  But,  Sirs,  receive  with 
benevolence  this  work  which  is  a  tribute  of  my  sincere  submission  to 
Congress  rather  than  the  outcome  of  a  presumptuous  levity.  On  the 
other  hand,  your  functions  being  the  creation  of  a  body  politic,  and,  one 
might  saj-,  the  creation  of  an  entire  community  surrounded  by  all  the 
ditliculties  ofl'ered  by  a  situation — a  most  peculiar  and  dillicult  one — 
the  voice  of  a  citizen  may  perhaps  point  out  a  hidden  or  unknown 
danger. 

By  casting  a  glance  over  the  past,  we  shall  see  what  is  the  basic 
element  of  the  Republic  of  Venezuela. 

T  America,  on  becoming  separated  from  the  Spanish  monarchy, 
found  itself  like  the  Roman  Empire,  when  that  enormous  mass  fell  to 
pieces  in  the  midst  of  the  ancient  world.  Each  dismembered  portion 
formed  then  an  independent  nation  in  accordance  with  its  situation  or 
its  interests,  the  difference  being  that  those  members  established  anew 
their  former  associations.  We  do  not  even  preserve  the  vestiges  of 
what  once  we  were;  we  are  not  Europeans,  we  are  not  Indians,  but  an 
intermediate  species  between  the  aborigines  and  the  Spaniards — Ameri- 
cans by  birth  and  Europeans  in  right,  we  are  placed  in  the  dilemma 
of  disputing  with  the  natives  our  titles  of  possession  and  nuuntainiiig 
ourselves  in  the  country  where  we  were  born,  against  the  opposition  of 
the  invaders.  Thus,  ours  is  a  most  extraordinary  and  complicated  case. 
Moreover,  our  part  has  always  been  a  purely  passive  one;  our  political 
existence  has  always  been  null,  and  we  find  ourselves  in  greater  difli- 
culties  in  attaining  our  liberty  than  we  ever  had  when  we  lived  on  a 
plane  lower  than  servitude,  because  we  had  been  robbed  not  only  of 
liberty  but  also  of  active  and  domestic  tyranny.  Allow  me  to  explain 
this  paradox. 

In  an  absolute  regime,  authorized  power  does  not  admit  any  limits. 
The  will  of  the  despot  is  the  supreme  law,  arbitrarily  executed  by  the 
subordinates  who  participate  in  the  organized  oppression  according  to 
the  measure  of  the  authority  they  enjoy. 


20  bolivah's  aduhess 

They  are  inti'usted  with  civil,  political,  military  and  religious  func- 
tions; but  in  the  last  analysis,  the  Satraps  of  Persia  are  Persians,  the 
Pashas  of  the  Great  Master  are  Turks,  the  Sultans  of  Tartary  are  Tar- 
tars. China  does  not  send  for  her  Mandarins  to  the  land  of  Genghis- 
khan,  her  conqueror.  America,  on  the  contrary,  received  all  from 
Spain,  which  had  really  deprived  her  of  true  enjoyment  and  exercise  of 
active  tyranny,  by  not  permitting  us  to  share  in  our  own  domestic 
affairs  and  interior  administration.  This  deprivation  had  made  it  im- 
possible for  us  to  become  acquainted  with  the  course  of  public  alfairs; 
neither  did  we  enjoy  that  personal  consideration  which  the  glamour  of 
power  inspires  in  the  eyes  of  the  multitude,  so  important  in  the  great 
revolutions.  I  will  say,  in  short,  we  were  kept  in  estrangement,  absent 
from  the  universe  and  all  that  relates  to  the  science  of  government,   i 

The  people  of  America  having  been  held  under  the  triple  yoke  of 
ignorance,  tyranny  and  vice,  have  not  been  in  a  position  to  acquire 
either  knowledge,  power  or  virtue.  Disciples  of  such  pernicious  mas- 
ters, the  lessons  we  have  received  and  the  examples  we  have  studied, 
are  most  destructive.  We  have  been  governed  more  bj'  deception  than 
by  force,  and  we  have  been  degraded  more  by  vice  than  by  superstition. 
Slavery  is  the  oflspring  of  Darkness;  an  ignorant  people  is  a  blind  tool, 
turned  to  its  own  destruction;  ambition  and  intrigue  exploit  the 
credulity  and  inexperience  of  men  foreign  to  all  political,  economical 
or  civil  knowledge;  mere  illusions  are  accepted  as  reality,  license  is 
taken  for  liberty,  treachery  for  patriotism,  revenge  for  justice.  Even 
as  a  sturdy  blind  man  who,  relying  on  the  feeling  of  his  own  strength, 
walks  along  with  the  assurance  of  the  most  wideawake  man  and,  strik- 
ing against  all  kinds  of  obstacles,  can  not  steady  his  steps. 

A  perverted  people,  should  it  attain  its  liberty,  is  bound  to  lose  this 
very  soon,  because  it  would  be  useless  to  try  to  impress  upon  such  people 
that  happiness  lies  in  the  practice  of  righteousness;  that  tlie  reign  of 
law  is  more  powerful  than  the  reign  of  tyrants,  who  are  more  inflexible, 
and  all  ought  to  submit  to  the  wholesome  severity  of  the  law;  that  good 
morals,  and  not  force,  are  the  pillars  of  the  law  and  that  the  exercise  of 
justice  is  the  exercise  of  liberty.  Thus,  Legislators,  your  task  is  the 
more  laborious  because  you  are  to  deal  with  men  misled  by  the  illu- 
sions of  error,  and  by  civil  incentives.  Liberty,  says  Rousseau,  is  a 
succulent  food,  but  difTicult  to  digest.  Our  feeble  fellow-citizens  will 
have  to  strengthen  tlieir  mind  much  before  they  will  be  ready  to  as- 
similate such  wholesome  nourishment.  Their  limbs  made  numb  by 
their  fetters,  their  eyesight  weakened  in  the  darkness  of  their  dungeons 
and  their  forces  wasted  away  through   their  foul  servitude,  will  they 


CüNí.ULSS  (»l    A.NCDS  1 1  HA 


21 


hv  capaljlL'  ol'  inaroliing  with  a  íínn  stop  towards  thf  aiifjusl  Uiiiplc  of 
Liberty?  Will  tliey  be  capable  ol  coming  close  to  it,  aiul  admiring  the 
liglil  it  sheds,  and  of  breathing  freely  its  pure  air? 

Consider  well  your  decision.  Legislators.  Do  not  forget  that  you 
are  about  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  new  i)eople,  which  may  some  day 
rise  to  the  heights  that  Nature  has  marked  out  for  it,  provided  you 
make  those  foundations  proportionate  to  the  lofty  place  which  thai 
people  is  to  fill.  If  your  selection  be  not  nuule  under  the  guidance  of 
the  (uiardian  .\ngel  of  Venezuela,  who  must  inspire  you  with  wisdom 
to  choose  the  nature  and  form  of  government  that  you  are  to  adopt 
for  the  welfare  of  the  people;  if  you  should  fail  in  this,  I  warn  you.  the 
end  of  our  venture  would  be  slavery. 

TIio  annals  of  past  ages  display  before  you  thousands  of  govern- 
iiRiils.  Recall  to  mintl  llie  nations  which  have  shone  most  highly  on 
the  earth  and  you  will  be  grieved  to  see  that  almost  the  entire  world 
has  been,  and  still  is,  a  victim  of  bad  government.  You  will  find  many 
systems  of  governing  men,  but  all  are  calculated  to  oppress  them,  and  if 
Ihe  habit  of  seeing  the  human  race,  led  by  shepherds  of  peoples,  did  not 
(lull  the  horror  of  such  a  revolting  sight,  we  would  be  astonished  to  see 
our  social  species  grazing  on  the  surface  of  the  globe,  even  as  lowly 
herds  destined  to  feed  their  cruel  drivers. 

Nature,  in  truth,  endows  us  at  birth  with  the  instinctive  desire  for 
liberty;  but  whether  because  of  negligence,  or  because  of  an  inclination 
inherent  in  humanity,  it  remains  still  under  the  bonds  imposed  on  it. 
.\nd  as  we  see  it  in  such  a  stale  of  debasement  we  seem  to  have  reason 
to  be  i)ersuaded  that  the  majority  of  men  hold  as  a  truth  the  humiliating 
principle  that  it  is  harder  to  maintain  the  balance  of  liberty  than  to 
endure  the  weight  of  tyranny.  Would  to  God  that  this  principle,  con- 
trary to  the  morals  of  Nature,  were  false!  Would  to  (iod  that  this 
principle  were  not  sanctioned  by  the  indolence  of  man  as  regards  his 
most  sacred  rights! 

Manv  ancient  and  modern  nations  have  cast  off  oppression:  but 
those  which  have  been  able  to  enjoy  a  few  precious  monuMits  of  liberty 
are  most  rare,  as  they  soon  relapsed  into  tiuir  old  political  vices; 
because  it  is  the  people  more  often  than  the  government,  that  bring  on 
tyranny.  The  habit  of  suflering  domination  makes  them  insensible  to 
the  charms  of  honor  and  national  prosperity,  and  leads  then>  to  look 
with  indolence  upon  the  bliss  of  living  in  the  midst  of  liberty,  under  the 
protection  of  laws  framed  by  their  own  free  will.  The  history  of  the 
world  proclaims  this  awful  truth! 

Only  democracy,  in  my  opinion,  is  susceptible  of  absolute  freedom. 


r- 


22  bolivar's  address 

But  where  is  there  a  democratic  government  that  has  united  at  the 
same  time  power,  prosperity  and  perinanence?  Have  we  not  seen,  on 
the  contrary,  aristocracy,  monarchy  rearing  great  and  powerful  empires 
for  centuries  and  centuries?  What  government  is  there  older  than  that 
of  China?  What  republic  has  exceeded  in  duration  that  of  Sparta,  that 
of  Venice?  The  Roman  Empire,  did  it  not  conquer  the  world?  Does 
not  France  count  fourteen  centuries  of  monarchy?  Who  is  gi'eater  than 
England?  These  nations,  however,  have  been,  or  still  are,  aristocracies 
and  monarchies. 

Notwithstanding  such  bitter  reflections,  I  am  filled  with  unbounded 
joy  because  of  the  great  strides  made  by  our  republic  since  entering 
upon  its  noble  career.  Loving  that  which  is  most  useful,  animated  by 
what  is  most  just  and  aspiring  to  what  is  most  perfect,  Venezuela  in 
separating  from  the  Spanish  Nation  has  recovered  her  independence, 
her  freedom,  her  equality,  her  national  sovereignty.  In  becoming  a 
democratic  republic,  she  proscribed  monarchy,  distinctions,  nobility, 
franchises  and  privileges;  she  declared  the  rights  of  man,  the  liberty 
of  action,  of  thought,  of  speech,  of  writing.  These  preeminently  liberal 
acts  will  never  be  sufficiently  admired  for  the  sincerity  by  which  they 
are  inspired.  The  first  Congress  of  Venezuela  has  impressed  upon  the 
annals  of  our  legislation  with  indelible  characters  the  majesty  of  the 
people,  so  fittingly  expressed  in  the  consummation  of  the  social  act 
best  calculated  to  develop  the  happiness  of  a  Nation. 

I  need  to  gather  all  my  strength  in  order  to  feel  with  all  the  rever- 
ence of  which  I  am  capable,  the  supreme  goodness  embodied  in  this 
immortal  Code  of  our  rights  and  our  laws!  But  how  can  I  venture  to 
say  it!  Shall  I  dare  profane  by  my  censure  the  sacred  tablets  of  our 
laws?  There  are  sentiments  that  no  lover  of  liberty  can  hold  within 
his  breast;  they  overflow  stirred  by  their  own  violence,  and  notwith- 
standing the  efforts  of  the  one  harboring  such  sentiments,  an  irresistible 
force  will  disclose  them.  I  am  convinced  that  the  Government  of 
Venezuela  must  be  changed,  and  while  many  illustrious  citizens  will 
feel  as  I  do,  not  all  possess  the  necessarj'  boldness  to  stand  publicly  for 
the  adoption  of  new  principles.  This  consideration  compels  me  to 
take  the  initiative  in  a  matter  of  the  gravest  concern,  although  there 
is  great  audacity  in  my  pretending  to  give  advice  to  the  Counsellors  of 
the  People. 

The  more  I  admire  the  excellence  of  the  Federal  Constitution  of 
Venezuela,  the  more  I  am  persuaded  of  the  impossibility  of  its  appli- 
cation in  our  State.  And,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  a  wonder  that  its  model 
in  North  America  may  endure  so  successfully,  and  is  not  upset  in  the 


CONdRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA  23 

presence  of  the  first  trouble  or  diuiger.  Notwithstanding  the  i'act  that 
that  people  is  a  uni([ue  model  of  political  virtues  and  moral  education; 
notwithstanding  that  it  has  been  cradled  in  liberty,  that  it  has  been 
reared  in  freedom  and  lives  on  pure  liberty,  I  will  say  more,  although 
in  many  respects  that  people  is  unique  in  the  history  of  humanity,  it 
is  a  prodigy,  I  repeat,  that  a  system  so  weak  and  complicated  as  the 
federal  system  should  have  served  to  govern  that  people  in  circum- 
stances as  dilTicult  and  delicate  as  those  which  have  existed.  But,  what- 
ever the  case  may  be,  as  regards  the  American  Nation.  I  must  say  thai 
nothing  is  further  from  my  mind  than  to  try  to  assimilate  the  conditions 
and  character  of  two  nations  as  different  as  the  Anglo-American  and 
the  Spanish-American.  Would  it  not  be  extremely  difficult  to  apply  to 
Spain  the  Code  of  political,  civil  and  religious  liberty  of  England?  It 
would  be  even  more  difiicult  to  adapt  to  Venezuela  the  laws  of  North 
America.  Does  not  the  Spirit  of  Laws  state  that  they  must  be  suited  to 
the  people  for  whom  they  are  made;  that  it  is  a  gi-eat  coincidence  when 
the  laws  of  one  nation  suit  another;  that  laws  must  bear  relation  to 
the  physical  features  of  a  country,  its  climate,  its  soil,  its  situation, 
extension  and  manner  of  living  of  the  people;  that  they  must  have 
reference  to  the  degree  of  liberty  that  their  constitution  may  be  able 
to  provide  for  the  religion  of  the  inhabitants,  their  inclinations,  wealth, 
number,  trade,  customs  and  manners?  Such  is  the  Code  that  we  should 
consult,  not  that  of  Washington! 

The  Venezuelan  Constitution,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
bases  on  which  it  rests  have  been  taken  from  the  most  perfect  consti- 
tution of  its  kind, — should  we  consider  correctness  of  principles  and  the 
beneficent  effect  of  its  administration — differed  essentially  from  the 
American  Constitution  in  a  cardinal  point,  and  the  most  important  with- 
out doubt.  The  Congress  of  Venezuela,  like  the  American  Congress, 
shares  in  some  of  the  duties  of  the  P'xecutive  Power.  We,  moreover, 
subdivide  this  power,  having  vested  it  in  a  collective  body  subject  to 
the  objection  of  making  the  life  of  the  government  a  periodical  one, 
suspending  and  dissolving  it  whenever  their  members  separate.  Our 
triumvirate  lacks,  one  may  say,  unity,  continuity  and  individual  re- 
sponsibility, is  deprived  of  action  at  a  given  moment,  of  continued  life, 
of  real  uniformity,  and  innnediate  responsibility,  and  a  government  that 
does  not  possess  everything  that  constitutes  its  moral  force,  must  be 
called  incapable. 

Although  the  faculties  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  are 
limited  by  excessive  restrictions,  he  alone  exercises  by  himself  all  the 
functions  of  government  that  the  Constitution  vests  in  him,  and  there 


24  bolivar's  address 

is  no  doubting  that  his  administration  must  be  more  uniform,  constant 
and  trulj'  his  own  than  that  of  a  power  divided  among  several  persons, 
which  can  be  but  a  hideous  composite.  The  judiciary  power  of  Vene- 
zuela is  similar  to  the  American,  indefinite  in  its  duration,  temporary 
and  not  for  life,  and  enjoying  all  the  independence  appertaining  to  it. 

The  first  Congress  in  its  federal  Constitution  took  into  considera- 
tion the  spirit  of  the  Provinces  rather  than  the  solid  idea  of  creating  a 
i-epublic  indivisible  and  centralized.  Our  legislators  in  this  instance 
yielded  to  the  inconsiderate  request  of  those  provincials  captivated  by 
the  dazzling  appearance  of  the  happiness  of  the  American  people,  be- 
lieving that  the  blessings  they  enjoy  are  solely  due  to  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment and  not  to  the  character  and  habits  of  the  citizens.  In  effect, 
the  examijle  given  by  the  United  States,  because  of  their  rare  pros- 
perity, was  too  enticing  not  to  be  followed.  Who  could  resist  the 
glorious  attraction  of  the  full  and  absolute  enjoyment  of  sovereignty, 
independence,  liberty?  Who  could  resist  the  admiration  inspired  by  an 
intelligent  government  which  binds  at  the  same  time  private  and  public 
rights,  and  forms  by  common  consent  the  supreme  law  of  individual 
choice?  Who  could  resist  the  rule  of  a  beneficent  government  that 
with  an  able,  active  and  powerful  hand  directs  always  and  everywhere 
all  its  activities  towards  social  perfection,  which  is  the  sole  end  of  human 
institutions? 

But,  no  matter  how  flattering  might  appear  and  might  be  the  effect 
of  this  splendid  federal  system,  it  was  not  feasible  that  Venezuelans 
could  enjoy  it  of  a  sudden  just  after  having  cast  off  their  fetters.  We 
were  not  prepared  for  so  much  good;  good  as  well  as  evil  produces 
death  \\lien  it  is  sudden  and  excessive.  Our  moral  constitution  had  not 
attained  yet  the  necessary  consistency  to  reap  the  benefits  of  a  govern- 
ment entirely  i-epresentativc  and  so  exalted  that  it  might  be  adopted  to 
a  republic  of  saintly  men. 

Representatives  of  the  People!  You  have  been  called  to  confirm 
orsuppresswhateveryoumay  deem  worthy  of  being  preserved,  amended 
or  rejected  in  our  social  compact.  To  your  lot  falls  the  correction  of 
the  work  of  our  first  legislators;  1  would  fain  say  that  it  behooves  you 
to  cover  a  portion  of  the  beauties  found  in  our  political  code,  because 
not  every  heart  is  so  made  as  to  love  all  beauties,  nor  can  all  eyes  stand 
the  heavenly  light  of  perfection.  The  book  of  the  Apostles,  the  doc- 
trines of  Jesus,  the  divine  writings  sent  us  by  Providence  to  better  man- 
kind, so  sublime,  so  holy,  is  a  rain  of  fire  in  Constantinople,  and 
Asia  entire  would  be  a  fiei-y  conflagration  should  such  a  book  of  peace 
be  suddenly  imposed  as  a  code  of  religion,  law  and  customs.     Permit 


CONORIvSS  OF  ANGOSTURA  25 

me  to  call  the  attention  of  Congress  to  a  matter  which  may  be  of  vital 
importance.  We  must  bear  in  mind  that  our  population  is  not  the 
people  of  Europe,  not  of  North  America,  that  it  is  rather  a  composite 
of  Africa  and  America,  which  is  an  otTspring  of  Europe.  Spain  herself 
ceases  to  be  European  on  account  of  her  African  iilood,  her  institutions 
and  her  temperament.  It  is  impossible  to  point  out  witli  preciseness 
to  what  human  family  we  belong.  The  greater  portion  of  the  natives 
has  been  annihilated,  the  European  has  mixed  with  the  native  American 
and  the  African,  and  this  has  mixed  again  with  the  Indian  and  the 
European.  All  having  been  born  of  the  same  mother,  our  parents,  of 
ditTerent  origin  and  blood,  are  foreigners,  and  all  differ  visibly  in  color 
of  skin.     This  dissimilarity  is  a  hindrance  of  the  greatest  importance. 

The  citizens  of  Venezuela  all  enjoy  by  the  Constitution,-  -the  in- 
lor{)rctor  of  what  Nature  intended, — a  perfect  political  equality.  Even 
though  this  equality  had  not  been  a  dogma  in  Athens,  France  and  in 
America,  we  need  to  make  it  such,  to  correct  the  difference  that  appar- 
ently seems  to  exist.  My  opinion  i.s,  Legislators,  that  the  fundamental 
principle  of  our  system  depends  immediatelj'  and  exclusively  on  equality 
being  established  and  exercised  in  Venezuela.  That  men  are  all  born 
with  equal  rights  to  the  benefits  of  society,  has  been  sanctioned  by  the 
majority  of  the  learned;  but  it  has  also  been  sanctioned  that  not  all  men 
are  equally  capable  of  attaining  every  distinction;  while  all  should  prac- 
tise virtue  not  all  do  practise  it;  all  should  be  courageous  and  all  are  not 
courageous;  all  should  possess  talents  and  all  do  not  possess  them.  Hence 
the  real  distinction  existing  among  individuals  of  the  most  liberally 
established  society.  If  the  principle  of  poltical  equality  is  generally 
acknowledged,  that  of  physical  or  moral  inequality  is  also  recognized. 
Nature  has  made  men  unequal  as  regards  genius,  temperament,  strength 
and  characteristics.  The  laws  correct  that  difference  by  giving  nuin  a 
place  in  society  so  that  education,  industry,  service,  virtue  may  give  him 
a  fictitious  equality,  properly  called  political  and  social  equality.  It  is 
an  eminently  beneficent  inspiration  that  of  reuniting  all  classes  in  a 
State,  where  diversity  multiples  in  ])roportion  to  the  propagation  of  the 
species.  By  this  single  step,  cruel  discord  has  been  torn  out  by  the 
roots.    How  much  jealousy,  rivalrj'  and  hatred  has  been  thus  avoided! 

Having  done  our  duty  towards  justice,  towards  humanity,  let  us 
do  it  now  to  politics,  to  society,  by  smoothing  over  the  difficulties  pre- 
sented by  a  system  so  simple  and  natural,  but  so  weak  that  the  slightest 
obstacle  will  upset  and  ruin  it.  The  diversity  of  origin  requires  to 
be  handled  with  infinite  firmness,  with  infinite  delicate  tact  in  order  to 
deal  with  an  heterogeneous  society  whose  complicated  mechanism  will 


26  bolivar's  address 

become  disjointed,  divided,  will  dissolve  at  the  slightest  alteration. 
The  most  perfect  system  of  government  is  that  which  produces  the 
greatest  sum  of  happiness  possible,  the  greatest  sum  of  social  security 
and  political  stability.  Through  the  laws  enacted  by  the  first  Congi-ess 
we  have  the  right  to  expect  that  happiness  be  the  lot  of  Venezuela,  and 
through  yoiu'  laws  we  must  hope  that  security  and  stability  will  per- 
petuate such  happiness.  It  is  for  you  to  solve  the  pi-oblem.  But  how, 
after  having  broken  all  the  chains  of  our  former  oppression,  could  we 
accomplish  the  marvelous  task  of  preventing  the  remnants  of  our  fet- 
ters from  being  tuimed  into  liberticide  weapons?  The  relics  of  Spanish 
domination  will  last  a  long  lime  before  we  succeed  in  annihilating  them; 
contagion  of  despotism  has  vitiated  our  atmosphere,  and  neither  the 
fire  of  war  nor  yet  the  remedy  of  our  wholesome  laws  has  succeeded  in 
purifying  the  air  we  breathe.  Our  hands  are  now  free,  while  our  hearts 
still  suffer  the  ills  of  servitude.  Man  in  losing  his  liberty, — Homer  has 
said, — loses  one-half  of  his  manhood. 

A  republican  government  has  been,  is  and  must  be  that  of  Vene- 
zuela, based  on  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  the  division  of  power, 
civil  liberty,  proscription  of  slavery,  abolition  of  monarchy  and  privi- 
leges. We  need  equality  to  recast,  so  to  speak,  in  a  single  mass  the 
classes  of  men,  political  beliefs  and  public  customs.  Now,  casting  our 
eye  over  the  vast  field  to  be  surveyed,  let  us  fix  our  attention  on  the 
dangers  to  be  avoided.  Let  History  be  our  guide  in  this  undertaking. 
Athens  is  the  first  to  give  us  the  most  brilliant  example  of  an  absolute 
democracy,  and  at  the  same  time  Athens  will  offer  the  most  melancholy 
example  of  the  extreme  weakness  of  such  a  system  of  government.  The 
wisest  among  the  legislators  of  Greece  did  not  see  his  republic  last  ten 
years,  and  suffered  the  humiliation  of  having  to  acknowledge  the  inade- 
quacy of  al)solute  democracy  to  govern  any  form  of  society,  even  the 
most  cultured,  moderate  and  restrained,  because  it  only  shines  with 
flashes  of  liberty.  We  must  acknowledge,  therefore,  that  Solon  has 
undeceived  the  world  and  shown  how  difficult  it  is  to  govern  men  with 
mere  laws. 

The  republic  of  Sparta,  which  appeared  to  be  a  chimerical  inven- 
tion, did  produce  more  real  results  than  the  skilfid  work  of  Solon. 
Glory,  virtues,  morals,  and  therefore  national  happiness,  were  the  result 
of  Lycurgus'  legislation.  Although  two  kings  to  one  State  are  two  de- 
vouring monsters,  Sparta  had  very  little  to  complain  of  its  double  throne, 
while  Athens  confidently  expected  the  most  splendid  future  with  an 
absolute  sovereignty,  free  election  of  officials,  frequently  changed,  and 
laws  that  were  gentle,  wise  and  politic.     Pisistratus,  a  usurper  and  a 


r.ONr.RF.SS  OF  ANGOSTURA  27 

(yrant,  did  more  good  to  Athens  than  her  laws,  and  Pericles,  although 
a  usurper  also,  was  the  most  useful  citizen.  The  republic  of  Thebes  did 
not  live  longer  than  Pelopides  and  Epaminondas,  because  at  times  men 
and  not  principles  constitute  a  government.  No  matter  how  great  the 
wisdom  contained  in  codes,  systems  and  statutes,  they  are  a  dead  letter 
having  but  little  influence  in  society;  virtuous  men,  patriotic  men, 
learned  men  make  the  republic. 

The  Roman  constitution  has  given  the  greatest  power  and  fortune 
to  any  one  people  in  the  world.  It  did  not  provide  for  an  exact  division 
of  powers.  The  Consuls,  the  Senate,  the  people  now  were  legislators, 
now  executive  otlicials,  now  judges;  all  participated  in  all  the  functions. 
The  Executive,  consisting  of  two  Consuls,  had  the  .same  difficulty  as  that 
of  Sparta.  Notwithstanding  this  shortcoming,  the  republic  did  not 
suffer  the  disastrous  results,  which  all  prevision  might  have  thought 
unavoidable,  of  an  Executive  consisting  of  two  officials  having  the  same 
authority  with  the  powers  of  a  monarch.  A  government,  the  only  in- 
clination of  which  was  conquest,  did  not  seem  destined  to  cement  the 
happiness  of  the  nation.  A  monstrous  government,  purely  warlike, 
raised  Rome  to  the  highest  state  of  virtue  and  glorj'  and  made  of  the 
earth  a  Roman  domain  as  if  to  show  man  how  far  political  virtue  may 
lead,  and  how  unimportant  institutions  may  be. 

And  passing  now  from  ancient  to  modern  times,  we  find  England 
and  France  attracting  attention  of  all  nations,  and  teaching  them  elo- 
quent lessons  of  all  sorts  in  the  matter  of  government.  The  revolution 
of  these  two  great  peoples,  like  a  brilliant  meteor,  has  flooded  the  world 
with  such  a  profusion  of  political  light  that  now  all  thinking  men  have 
learned  what  are  the  rights  of  men,  what  are  their  duties,  what  consti- 
tues  the  excellency  of  a  government  and  what  its  vices.  All  know  how 
to  appreciate  the  intrinsic  value  of  the  speculative  theories  of  modern 
philosophers  and  lawmakers.  In  fine,  that  star,  in  its  luminous  career, 
has  even  inflamed  the  heart  of  the  apathetic  Spaniards,  who  have  also 
entered  the  political  whirlwind,  have  made  ephemeral  attempts  at 
liberty,  have  acknowledged  their  incapacity  to  live  under  the  gentle 
rule  of  law,  and  have  gone  back  to  their  immemorial  dungeons  and 
the  stake. 

This  is  the  proper  time.  Legislators,  to  repeat  what  the  eloquent 
Volney  says  in  the  dedication  of  his  Ruins  of  Pulini/rd:  "To  the  rising 
peoples  of  the  Spanish  Indies,  to  the  generous  men  who  lead  them  to 
liberty.  May  the  errors  and  misfortunes  of  the  Old  World  teach  wisdom 
and  happiness  to  the  New  World."  Let  us  not  lose,  then,  the  benefit  of 
the  lessons  drawn   from  experience,  and   may   the  schools  of   Creece, 


28  bolivar's  address 

Rome,  France,  England  and  America  instruct  us  in  the  dilücult  science 
of  creating  and  maintaining  the  nations  under  proper  laws,  just,  legiti- 
mate and  above  all  useful.  We  must  never  forget  that  the  superiority 
of  a  government  does  not  consist  in  its  theories,  or  in  its  form,  or  in  its 
mechanism,  but  in  its  being  appropriate  to  the  nature  and  character  of 
the  nation  for  which  it  has  been  instituted. 

Rome  and  Great  Rritain  are  the  two  nations  which  have  excelled 
most  among  ancient  and  modern  peoples.  Both  were  born  to  rule  and 
to  be  free,  but  both  were  constituted  not  with  dazzling  forms  of  liberty, 
but  built  on  solid  foundations.  Hence,  1  recommend  you,  Representa- 
tives, to  study  the  British  Constitution,  which  is  the  one  that  seems 
destined  to  do  the  most  possible  good  to  the  peoples  that  adopt  it.  But 
no  matter  how  perfect  it  may  be,  I  am  very  far  from  suggesting  a  ser- 
vile imitation.  When  I  speak  of  the  British  Government,  I  only  refer 
to  whatever  it  has  of  the  republican  system;  and  truly,  could  we  call  a 
monarchy  a  system,  that  recognizes  popular  sovereignty,  the  division 
and  balance  of  power,  civil  liberty  and  the  liberty  of  conscience,  the 
freedom  of  the  press  and  everything  which  is  sublime  in  politics?  Could 
there  be  any  more  liberty  in  any  republic  whatsoever?  And,  could  any 
more  be  said  of  social  order?  I  recommend  such  constitution  as  the 
most  worthy  of  being  taken  as  a  model  by  all  who  yearn  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  rights  of  men,  and  all  political  happiness  compatible  with 
our  frail  nature. 

Our  fundamental  laws  would  not  be  altered  in  the  least  should  we 
adopt  a  legislative  power  similar  to  the  British  Parliament.  We  have 
divided,  as  Americans  did,  national  representation  into  two  Chambers, 
the  Representatives  and  the  Senate.  The  first  is  very  wisely  constituted, 
enjoys  all  the  functions  appertaining  to  it,  and  is  not  susceptible  of  a 
radical  reform,  because  it  is  the  Constitution  which  gave  it  origin,  form 
and  such  faculties  as  the  will  of  the  people  deemed  necessai-y  to  be 
legally  and  properly  represented.  If  the  Senate,  instead  of  being  elective 
were  hereditary,  it  would  be,  in  my  opinion,  the  foundation,  the  binding 
tie,  the  very  soul  of  our  republic.  This  body  would  arrest  the  lightning 
of  government  in  our  political  storms,  and  would  break  the  popular 
waves.  Attached  to  the  government,  because  of  its  natural  interest  of 
self-presei"vation,  it  will  always  oppose  the  invasions  attempted  by  the 
people  against  the  jurisdiction  and  the  authority  of  its  rulers.  We  must 
confess  it :  the  generality  of  men  fail  to  recognize  what  their  real  in- 
terests are  and  constantly  endeavor  to  asail  them  in  the  hands  of  their 
trustees;  and  the  individual  struggles  against  the  masses,  aiul  the  masses 
against  the  authorities.     It  is  necessary,  therefore,  that  a  neutral  body 


A   PANORAMIC   VIEW   OF   ANGOSTURA     NOW   CIUDAD    BOLIVAR 


THE   BUILDING   WHERE   THE   CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA    HELD   ITS   MEETINGS 


CONORKSS  OF  ANGOSTURA  29 

should  exist  in  every  government,  always  siding  with  the  aggrieved 
l)arty  to  disiuin  flie  ofiender.  This  neutral  body,  to  be  such,  must  not 
owe  its  oiigin  lu  the  election  of  the  government,  nor  to  the  election  of 
the  people,  so  as  to  enjoy  a  full  measure  of  freedom,  neither  fearing  nor 
expecting  anything  from  either  of  these  two  sources  of  authority.  The 
hereditary  Senate,  as  a  part  of  the  people,  shares  in  its  interests,  in  its 
sentiments,  in  its  spirit.  For  this  reason  it  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  a 
hereditary  Senate  would  disregard  the  popular  interests  or  forget  its 
legislative  duties.  The  Ronum  Senators  and  the  Lords  of  London  have 
been  the  staunehest  columns  on  wlilch  the  structure  of  political  and  civil 
liberty  has  l)een  erected. 

These  Senators  would  be  elected  by  Congress  the  first  time.  The 
succession  to  the  Senate  should  engage  the  first  attention  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  would  educate  them  in  a  college  .specially  devoted  to  in- 
structing these  tutors,  future  legislators  of  the  country.  They  should 
learn  the  arts,  sciences  and  letters,  the  accomplishments  of  the  mind  of 
public  men;  from  childhood  they  should  know  the  career  to  which 
Providence  has  destined  them,  and  from  a  tender  age  they  should 
temper  their  soul  to  the  dignity  awaiting  them. 

The  creation  of  a  hereditary  Senate  would  be  in  nowise  a  violation 
of  political  equality;  I  do  not  pretend  to  establish  a  nobility  because,  as 
a  famous  republican  has  said,  it  would  be  to  destroy  at  the  same  time 
equality  and  liberty.  It  is  a  calling  for  which  candidates  must  be  pre- 
pared; it  is  an  otfice  requiring  much  knowledge  and  the  proper  means 
to  become  learned  in  it.  Everything  must  not  be  left  to  chance  and  for- 
tune in  the  elections;  the  people  are  more  easily  deceived  than  Nature 
perfected  by  art,  and  although  it  is  true  that  these  Senators  would  not 
spring  from  the  womb  of  Perfection,  it  is  also  true  that  they  would 
spring  from  the  womb  of  a  learned  education.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
liberators  of  Venezuela  are  entitled  to  hold,  always,  a  high  rank  in  the 
republic  which  owes  its  existence  to  them!  I  believe  that  posterity 
would  grieve  to  see  the  eflfacement  of  the  illustrious  names  of  their  first 
benefactors.  1  say,  moreover,  that  it  is  a  matter  of  public  interest,  of 
the  gratitude  of  Venezuela,  of  national  honor,  to  preserve  with  glory 
to  the  end  of  posterity  a  race  of  men  of  virtues,  prudence  and  valor, 
who  mastering  all  obstacles  have  founded  the  republic  at  the  cost  of 
the  most  heroic  sacrifices.  And  if  the  people  of  Venezuela  do  not 
applaud  the  elevation  of  tiieir  benefactors,  they  are  unwortliy  of  being 
a  free  people,  and  never  will  be  free. 

A  hereditary  Senate,  I  repeat,  will  be  the  fundamental  support  of 
the  Legislative  Power  an<l.   therefore,  the  basis  of  the  entire  govern- 


30  bolivar's  address 

ment.  It  will  equally  serve  to  counterbalance  both  the  government  and 
the  people;  it  will  be  an  intermediate  power  that  would  blunt  the 
shafts  those  two  eternal  rivals  diiect  against  each  other.  In  all  con- 
flicts, the  calm  reasoning  of  a  third  party  becomes  the  means  of  recon- 
ciliation; thus,  the  Senate  of  Venezuela  will  be  the  keystone  of  this 
structure  so  delicate  and  so  liable  to  violent  shocks;  it  would  be  the 
rainbow  which  calms  the  storms  and  maintains  harmony  between  the 
members  and  the  head  of  this  political  body. 

Nothing  whatever  could  corrupt  a  legislative  body  vested  with  the 
highest  honors,  self-dependent,  having  nothing  to  fear  from  the  people, 
and  nothing  to  expect  from  the  government;  having  no  other  object 
than  the  repression  of  all  elements  of  evil,  and  the  fostering  of  all  ele- 
ments of  good,  and  having  the  greatest  interest  in  the  existence  of  a 
society,  in  the  good  or  bad  results  of  which  it  must  participate.  It  has 
been  very  justly  said  that  the  Upper  House  of  England  is  invaluable  to 
the  nation  because  it  is  a  bulwark  to  liberty,  and  I  may  add,  that  the 
Senate  of  Venezuela  would  be  not  only  a  bulwark  to  liberty  but  a  sup- 
port to  make  the  republic  everlasting. 

The  British  Executive  Power  is  clothed  with  all  the  sovereign 
authority  devolving  upon  it,  but  it  is  also  surrounded  by  a  triple  line 
of  dikes,  barriers  and  stockades.  It  is  the  Chief  of  the  Government,  but 
its  Ministers  and  subordinates  rely  more  on  the  laws  than  on  its 
authority,  because  they  are  personally  responsible,  and  not  even  the 
orders  coming  from  the  Royal  Authorities  could  exempt  them  from 
such  responsibility.  It  is  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and 
Navy;  it  makes  peace  and  declares  war,  but  it  is  Parliament  that  gen- 
erally votes  the  sums  to  be  paid  to  the  military  forces.  If  the  courts 
and  judges  are  dependent  on  it,  the  laws  originate  in  Parliament  which 
approves  them.  In  order  to  neutralize  this  authority,  the  person  of  the 
King  is  inviolable  and  sacred,  and  while  leaving  the  head  free,  the  hands 
are  bound.  The  Sovereign  of  England  has  three  formidable  rivals: 
his  Cabinet,  responsible  to  the  people  and  Parliament;  the  Senate  which 
defends  the  interests  of  the  people  as  representatives  of  the  nobility 
of  which  it  consists,  and  the  House  of  Commons,  acting  as  the  organ 
and  mouthpiece  of  the  British  people.  Moreover,  as  the  judges  arc 
responsible  for  the  proper  application  of  the  laws,  they  never  deviate 
from  them  and  the  administrators  of  the  Exchequer,  being  liable  to 
prosecution  not  only  for  their  own  transgressions,  but  also  for  those 
of  the  government  itself,  guard  most  carefully  against  any  malversation 
of  the  public  moneys.  No  matter  how  the  nature  of  the  Executive 
Power  of  England  is  examined  nothing  can  be  found   to  lead  to  the 


CONGRESS  OF  ANGOSTURA  31 

belief  that  it  is  not  the  most  perfect  model,  whether  for  a  king<loni,  an 
aristocracy,  or  a  (Icniocracy.  Let  us  apply  to  Venezuela  this  sort  of 
Executive  Power  in  the  person  of  a  President  appointed  by  the  people 
or  their  representatives,  and  we  would  have  taken  a  great  step  toward 
national  happiness. 

Whoever  be  the  citizen  discharging  these  functions  he  will  be  sup- 
ported by  the  Constitution;  being  autliorized  to  do  good,  he  can  not 
do  harm,  because  whenever  he  is  acting  under  the  law,  his  Ministers  will 
cooperate  with  him.  IF,  on  the  other  hand,  he  attempts  to  violate  the 
law,  his  own  Ministers  would  leave  him  isolated  in  the  midst  of  the 
Republic,  and  may  even  impeach  him  before  the  Senate.  The  Ministers 
being  responsible  for  any  transgressions  committed,  they  are  the  true 
governing  powers,  because  they  have  to  pay  for  their  own  misdeeds. 
Of  no  little  advantage  in  the  system  is  the  obligation  resting  on  the  ofli- 
cials  near  the  Executive  Power  to  take  great  interest  and  a  most  active 
part  in  the  deliberations  of  the  government  and  to  look  on  this  depart- 
ment as  if  it  were  their  own.  It  may  happen  that  the  President  is  not  a 
man  of  great  talents  or  great  virtues,  but  notwithstanding  the  lack  of 
these  essential  qualitlcations  the  President  may  perform  his  duties  in  a 
satisfactory  manner,  as  in  such  cases  the  Ministry,  doing  all,  bears  the 
burden  of  the  State. 

However  excessive  the  authority  of  the  Executive  Power  of  England 
may  appear  to  be,  it  might  not  be  excessive  in  the  Republic  of  Venezuela. 
Here,  Congress  has  bound  the  hands  and  even  the  head  of  the  oiTicials. 
This  deliberative  body  has  assumed  a  portion  of  the  Executive  func- 
tions, against  the  maxim  of  Montesquieu,  that  a  representative  body 
nmst  not  take  any  active  resolution;  it  must  nuike  the  laws  and  see 
whether  the  laws  made  are  properly  executed.  Nothing  is  more  con- 
trary to  harmony  between  powers  than  having  them  mix;  nothing  is 
more  dangerous  to  the  people  than  a  weak  Executive,  and  if  in  a  King- 
dom it  has  been  deemed  necessary  to  grant  the  Executive  so  many 
faculties,  in  a  republic  these  faculties  are  much  more  indispensable. 

Let  us  direct  our  attention  to  this  difTerence,  and  we  will  find  that 
the  balance  of  power  must  be  distributed  in  two  ways.  In  republics  the 
Executive  must  be  the  stronger,  because  everything  conspires  against 
it,  while  in  monarchies  the  stronger  must  be  the  Legislative  Power, 
because  everything  conspires  in  favor  of  the  monarch.  The  veneration 
of  peoples  for  Royalty  is  a  fascination  which  has  powerful  intlucnce  in 
increasing  the  superstitious  respect  paid  to  its  authoritj'.  The  splendor 
of  the  throne,  of  the  crown,  of  the  purple,  the  formidable  support  of 
nobility,  the  immense  wealth  that  whole  generations  accumidate  under 


32  bolivar's  address 

the  same  dynasty,  the  fraternal  protection  that  kings  mutually  receive, 
are  very  considerable  advantages  in  favor  of  royal  authority,  making  it 
almost  unlimited.  These  very  advantages  are,  therefore,  those  which 
must  confirm  the  necessity  of  granting  a  republican  Executive  a  greater 
authority  than  that  possessed  by  a  constitutional  prince. 

A  republican  Executive  is  a  man  isolated  in  the  midst  of  a  com- 
munity, to  restrain  the  impulse  of  the  people  towards  license,  the  in- 
clination of  judges  and  administrators  towards  the  abuse  of  the  law. 
He  is  responsible  to  the  Legislative  body,  the  Senate  and  the  people; 
he  is  one  single  man  resisting  the  combined  attack  of  the  opinions,  the 
interests  and  the  passions  of  the  social  state,  which,  as  Carnot  has  said, 
does  nothing  but  continually  struggle  between  the  desire  to  dominate 
and  that  of  getting  away  from  domination.  He  is,  in  short,  an  athlete 
pitted  against  a  multitude  of  athletes. 

The  only  means  to  correct  this  weakness  would  be  a  well  supported, 
well  proportioned  force  against  the  resistance  which  the  Legislative 
Power,  the  Judiciai-y  and  the  People  necessarily  oppose  to  the  Executive 
in  a  republic.  If  all  the  means  that  a  just  distribution  of  authority 
grants  the  Executive  are  not  placed  within  its  reach,  it  will  necessarily 
become  null  or  will  misuse  its  own  powers.  I  mean  that  it  will  be  the 
death  of  the  government,  whose  heirs  are  anarchy,  usurpation  and 
tyranny.  It  is  sought  to  restrain  executive  authority  with  restrictions 
and  obstacles;  nothing  is  more  just,  but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  lies,  the  preservation  of  which  is  desired,  must  be  strengthened, 
but  not  tightened. 

Let  us  strengthen,  then,  the  entire  system  of  government,  and  see 
to  it  that  the  balance  be  established  so  that  it  will  not  break,  and  that 
its  own  sensitiveness  be  not  a  cause  of  decadence.  As  there  is  no  form 
of  government  weaker  than  democracy,  its  structure  must  be  built  with 
great  solidity,  and  its  institutions  carefully  studied  to  insure  stability. 
If  it  be  not  so,  we  must  be  sure  that  a  trial  government,  and  not  a  per- 
manent system,  is  being  established;  we  must  reckon  with  an  ungovern- 
able, tumultuous  and  anarchical  society,  not  with  a  social  establish- 
ment where  happiness,  peace  and  justice  hold  sway. 

Let  us  not  be  presumptuous.  Legislators,  let  us  be  moderate  in  our 
pretentions.  It  is  not  likely  that  we  should  attain  that  which  humanity 
has  not  succeeded  in  attaining,  what  the  greatest  and  wisest  nations 
never  attained.  Indefinite  liberty,  absolute  democracy  are  the  rocks 
upon  which  all  republican  hopes  have  been  wrecked.  Cast  your  eye 
over  the  ancient  republics,  the  modern  republics,  the  rising  republics; 
almost  all  have  tried  to  establish  themselves  as  absolute  democracies. 


CONtiHKSS  Ol    AN(.(KSrunA  33 

iiiul  almost  all  have  failed  in  their  just  aspirations.  Tlicy  are  praise- 
worthy, undoubtedly,  who  wish  tor  legitimate  institutions  and  social 
perfection!  But,  who  has  told  men  that  they  possess  already  all  the 
wisdom,  that  they  practice  all  the  virtues  uncompromisingly  demanded 
by  the  union  of  power  and  justice.  Only  angels,  not  mere  men.  can 
exist  free,  peaceful,  happy,  while  exercising  all  the  sovereign   power. 

The  people  of  Venezuela  already  enjoy  the  rights  they  can  legiti- 
mately and  easily  enjoy.  Let  us  moderate,  now,  the  pressure  of  exces- 
sive pretentions,  which  the  form  of  a  government  not  suited  to  their 
needs  might  perhaps  excite.  Let  us  abandon  the  federal  forms  not 
suited  to  us;  let  us  abandon  the  triumvirate  of  the  Executive  Power  and 
center  it  in  one  President;  let  us  grant  him  suflicient  authority  to  enable 
him  to  struggle  against  the  obstacles  anent  our  recent  condition,  the 
state  of  war  we  are  in,  and  the  kind  of  foreign  and  domestic  enemies 
against  whom  we  will  have  to  battle  for  a  long  time.  Lei  the  Legislative 
Power  relinquish  the  functions  belonging  to  the  Executive  and  acquire, 
notwithstanding,  a  new  consistency,  a  new  influence  in  the  balance  of 
authority.  Let  the  courts  be  strengthened  by  the  stability  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  judges,  the  creation  of  juries,  and  civil  and  criminal 
codes  not  dictated  by  antiquity,  nor  by  conquering  kings,  but  by  the 
voice  of  Nature,  by  the  cry  of  Justice  and  by  the  genius  of  Wisdom. 

My  desire  is  that  all  parts  of  government  and  atlministration  should 
require  that  degree  of  vigor  that  can  only  preserve  the  equilibrium,  not 
among  the  members  of  the  government  itself,  but  among  the  different 
fractions  of  which  our  society  consists.  It  would  be  of  no  importance 
that  the  springs  of  a  political  system  become  loose  because  of  w  eakness, 
if  this  condition  should  not  mean  a  general  dissolution  of  the  social 
body  and  the  ruin  of  its  members.  The  cries  of  humanity  on  the  battle- 
fields or  in  the  mobs,  clamor  to  Heaven  against  the  inconsiderate  and 
blind  legislators  who  have  thought  that  experiments  with  chimerical 
institutions  can  be  made  with  impunity.  All  the  peoples  in  the  world 
have  tried  to  attain  liberty,  some  by  the  force  of  arms,  others  by  framing 
laws,  pa.ssing  successively  from  anarchy  to  despotism,  or  from  desjjotism 
to  anarchy.  There  arc  very  few  who  have  been  contented  with  mod- 
erate pretensions  by  constituting  themselves  in  a  manner  more  in  keeping 
with  their  means,  their  minds  and  their  circumstances.  We  do  not  at- 
tempt the  impossible,  lest  l)y  soaring  above  the  region  of  liberty  we 
might  descend  to  the  region  of  tyranny.  From  absolute  liberty  we 
always  descend  to  absolute  power,  and  the  mean  between  these  two 
extremes  is  supreme  social  liberty.  Abstract  theories  i)roduce  the  per- 
nicious idea  of  unlimited  freedom.     Let  us  work  to  the  end  that  the 


34  bolivar's  address 

public  force  be  confined  within  the  bounds  that  reason  and  interest  de- 
mand; that  national  will  be  restrained  to  the  limit  marked  out  by  a 
just  power;  that  a  civil  and  criminal  legislation,  analogous  to  our 
present  constitution,  have  an  absolute  control  over  judicial  power. 
Then  that  equilibrium  will  exist  and  there  will  be  no  classes  to  hinder 
the  onward  march  of  the  State,  and  there  will  be  no  complications  tram- 
meling up  society  instead  of  binding  it  together. 

In  order  to  form  a  stable  government  the  basis  is  required  of  a 
national  spirit,  the  object  of  which  is  a  uniform  tendency  toward  two 
capital  points:  to  moderate  the  popular  will,  and  to  limit  public  author- 
ity. The  terms  which  theoretically  fix  these  two  points  are  of  dilficult 
determination,  but  it  can  be  well  imagined  that  the  rule  which  must 
govern  is  reciprocal  restriction,  in  order  to  have  the  least  friction  pos- 
sible between  that  will  and  legitimate  authority.  This  science  is  uncon- 
sciously acquired  through  practice  and  study.  Progress  of  education 
broadens  the  progress  of  practice,  while  uprightness  of  mind  widens  the 
progress  of  enlightenment. 

Love  of  country,  love  of  law,  love  of  the  authorities,  are  the  noble 
passions  which  must  have  exclusive  sway  in  a  republican  soul.  The 
Venezuelans  love  their  country,  but  do  not  love  their  laws,  because  these 
were  noxious  and  the  source  of  evil;  nor  could  they  love  their  authori- 
ties, because  they  were  unjust,  and  the  new  authorities  are  scarcely 
known  in  their  new  calling.  If  there  is  not  a  holy  respect  for  the 
country,  the  laws  and  the  authorities,  society  becomes  a  disorder,  an 
abyss;  an  individual  conflict  between  man  and  man,  and  hand  to  hand. 

In  order  to  bring  our  rising  republic  out  of  this  chaos,  all  our 
moral  power  will  not  be  sufficient  unless  we  cast  the  entire  mass  of  the 
people  in  one  single  body,  the  coinposition  of  the  government  in  one 
single  body,  legislation  in  one  single  body,  and  national  spirit  in  one 
single  body.  Union,  Union,  Union,  must  be  our  motto.  Our  citizens  are 
of  different  blood,  let  us  mix  it  for  the  sake  of  union;  our  constitution 
has  divided  the  powers,  let  us  bind  them  together  for  the  sake  of  union; 
our  laws  are  sorry  relics  of  all  the  ancient  and  modern  despotisms;  let 
us  demolish  such  an  awful  structure.  Let  it  fall,  and  discarding  even  its 
ruins  let  us  create  a  temple  to  Justice,  and  under  the  auspices  of  its 
holy  inspiration,  let  us  frame  a  code  of  Venezuelan  laws.  If  we  wish 
to  consult  monuments  and  models  of  legislation,  (Ireat  Britain,  France, 
North  America  have  admirable  ones. 

Popular  education  should  be  the  paramount  care  of  the  paternal 
love  of  Congress.  Morals  and  enlightenment  are  the  poles  of  a  republic; 
moi-als  and  enlightenment  are  our  prime  necessities.    Let  us  take  from 


coNr.Rr;ss  (if  anííosh  ra  35 

Athens  luT  Areopaj^us,  and  tin-  guardians  of  customs  and  laws;  lit  us 
lake  Irom  lionie  her  censors  and  domestic  tribunals,  and  ionning  a 
holy  alliance  of  those  useful  institutions,  let  us  revive  on  earth  the  idea 
of  a  people  which  is  not  contented  with  being  free  and  strong,  but  wants 
also  to  l)c  virtuous.  Let  us  take  from  Sparta  iicr  austere  institutions, 
and  forming  with  these  three  springs  a  fountain  of  virtues,  let  us  give 
our  republic  a  fourth  power,  having  jurisdiction  over  childliood  and  the 
heart  of  men,  public  spirit,  good  customs  and  republican  morals.  Let 
us  establish  such  an  Areopagus  to  watch  over  the  education  of  children, 
over  national  instruction,  that  it  may  purify  whatever  is  corrupt  in  the 
republic;  denounce  ingratitude,  selfishness,  coldness  of  love  for  the 
country,  idleness,  negligence  of  the  citizens;  pass  judgment  upon  the 
origin  of  corruption,  and  pernicious  examples,  applying  moral  penalties 
to  correct  breaches  of  custom, — just  as  afflictive  punishment  is  applied 
to  atone  for  a  crime  and  not  only  whatever  is  repugnant  to  customs 
but  that  which  weakens  them  as  well;  not  only  what  may  violate 
the  Constitution,  but  also  whatever  should  infringe  on  public  respect. 
The  jurisdiction  of  such  court,  a  truly  holy  tribunal,  should  be  eflfcctivc 
with  respect  to  education  and  instruction,  and  advisorj-  only  in  what 
refers  to  penalties  and  punishment.  Its  annals  or  records,  however, 
where  its  acts  and  deliberations  are  kept,  the  moral  principles  and 
the  conduct  of  the  citizens,  shall  be  the  books  of  virtue  and  vice; 
books  that  the  people  will  consult  for  their  elections,  the  executives  for 
their  decisions  and  the  judges  for  their  trials.  Such  an  institution,  no 
matter  how  chimerical  it  may  appear,  is  infinitely  more  feasible  than 
others  which  ancient  and  modern  legislators  have  established,  much  less 
useful  to  human  kind. 

Legislators!  The  project  of  a  Constitution  which  I  most  respect- 
fully submit,  will  show  you  the  sjjirit  in  which  it  was  conceived.  In 
suggesting  the  division  of  citizens  into  active  and  passive,  1  have  tried  to 
promote  national  prosperity  through  the  two  greatest  levers  of  industry: 
work  and  knowledge.  By  stimulating  these  two  great  springs  of  society, 
the  most  diilicult  thing  to  make  men  honest  and  happy  is  attained.  By 
just  and  prudent  restrictions  on  primary  and  electoral  assemblies,  we 
place  the  first  bar  to  popular  license,  avoiding  tumultuous,  blind  gather- 
ings which  at  all  times  have  made  blunders  at  elections.  These  blunders 
have  extended  to  the  executives  and  the  government,  because  that  all 
important  act  is  the  maker  of  either  the  liberty  or  the  slavery  of  a 
people. 

By  increasing  in  the  balance  of  powers  the  weight  of  Congress  by 
the  increase  in  the  number  of  legislators,  and  the  nature  of  the  Senate, 


36  bolivar's  addrfcss 

I  have  endeavored  to  give  a  fixed  basis  for  the  first  Body  of  the  Nation 
and  to  clothe  it  with  a  dignity  most  important  to  the  success  of  its 
sovereign  functions. 

In  separating  by  means  of  well  defined  boundaries  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  executive  from  legislative  jurisdiction,  I  have  not  endeavored 
to  divide  but  to  bind  with  the  bonds  of  that  harmony  born  of  indepen- 
dence, such  supreme  authorities,  whose  prolonged  clash  has  never  failed 
to  frighten  one  of  the  two  contending  parties.  When  I  wish  to  vest  the 
Executive  with  a  number  of  duties  beyond  those  formerly  devolving 
upon  it,  it  is  not  my  desire  to  authorize  a  despot  to  tyrannize  the  Re- 
l)ublic,  but  to  prevent  a  deliberating  despotism  from  becoming  the  im- 
mediate cause  of  a  cycle  of  despotic  vicissitudes  in  which  anarchy  will 
alternatively  be  rej)laced  by  oligarchy  and  by  monocracy.  In  asking 
for  the  stability  of  judges,  the  creation  of  juries,  and  the  new  code,  I 
ask  Congress  for  the  guarantee  of  civil  liberty,  the  most  priceless,  the 
most  just,  the  most  necessary  foi'm  of  liberty,  in  a  word  the  only  kind  of 
liberty,  as  without  it,  the  others  are  void.  T  have  requested  the  correc- 
tion of  the  most  lamentable  abuses  to  which  our  judiciary  is  subjected, 
due  to  its  defective  origin  as  coming  from  that  sea  of  Spanish  legisla- 
tion which,  like  time,  gathers  from  all  ages  and  men,  whether  the  works 
of  the  insane  or  the  works  of  the  sane,  whether  the  production  of  the 
wise  or  the  productions  of  some  extravagant  mind,  whether  a  monu- 
ment of  genius  or  a  monument  of  fancj'.  This  judiciary  encyclopedia,  a 
monster  of  ten  thousand  heads  which  has  been  until  now  the  scourge 
of  the  Spanish  peoples,  is  the  most  refined  punishment  the  wrath  of 
Heaven  has  permitted  to  descend  upon  this  unfortunate  empire. 

While  pondering  over  the  effective  means  of  regenerating  the 
character  and  customs  which  tyranny  and  war  have  formed  in  us,  I 
have  dared  to  invent  a  Moral  Power,  drawn  from  the  depths  of  obscure 
antiquity  and  from  the  now  forgotten  laws  which  for  a  time  sustained 
public  virtue  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  This  may  be  an  ingenuous 
dream,  but  not  an  impossibility,  and  I  flatter  mj'self  that  you  will  not 
altogether  disdain  a  thought  that,  improved  through  experience  and 
instruction,  may  become  most  efficacious. 

Horrified  at  the  separation  that  has  prevailed  and  must  prevail 
among  us  because  of  the  subtile  spirit  that  characterizes  the  federal 
government,  I  have  been  led  to  beg  of  you  to  adopt  centralization  and 
the  union  of  all  the  States  of  Venezuela  into  a  Republic,  one  and  indi- 
visible. This  measure  which  in  my  opinion  is  urgent,  vital,  saving,  is 
of  such  nature  that  without  it  death  will  be  the  fruit  of  our  regeneration. 

It  is  my  duty,  Legislators,  to  present  before  you  a  detailed  and  true 


(:(»N(iiu¡:.ss  OÍ  .\N(n»sri  u\  'M 

vv\)uv{  ol"  niy  political,  civil  and  inililary  adminishalioii,  l)ul  lliis  would 
overtax  your  valuable  attention,  and  deprive  you  at  this  iiionunt  oi  a 
time  as  important  as  pressing.  Therefore,  the  Secretaries  of  State  will 
report  to  Congress  on  their  respective  departments,  submitting  at  the 
same  time  the  documents  and  records  which  will  serve  to  illustrate  and 
to  give  an  exact  idea  of  the  real,  positive  condition  of  the  Republic. 

I  would  not  mention  to  you  the  most  notable  acts  of  my  administra- 
tion, did  they  not  concern  the  majority  of  the  Venezuelans.  1  refer, 
Centlemen,  to  the  most  important  resolutions  taken  in  this  lasl  period. 
Atrocious,  godless  slavery  covered  with  its  sable  maulle  the  land  of 
Venezuela  and  our  skies  were  overcast  with  storm  clouds  threatening 
a  deluge  of  fire.  I  implored  the  protection  of  the  God  of  Humanity,  and 
lUdemption  scattered  the  storm.  Slavery  broke  its  chains  and  Vene- 
zuela has  found  herself  surrounded  by  her  new  children,  grateful  chil- 
dren who  have  turned  their  instruments  of  captivity  into  arms  of  liberty. 
Yea,  those  who  were  slaves  are  now  free;  those  who  were  the  enemies 
of  their  foster  mother  are  now  the  defenders  of  a  country.  To  empha- 
size the  justice,  the  necessity,  the  beneficent  results  of  this  measure,  is 
superfluous,  when  you  know  the  history  of  the  Helots,  Spartacus  and 
Haiti;  when  you  know  that  one  can  not  be  free  and  enslaved  at  the 
same  time,  unless  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature  and  the  civil  and 
political  laws.  1  leave  to  your  sovereign  decision  tlu-  reform  or  abroga- 
tion of  all  my  statutes  and  decrees;  but  I  implore  of  you  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  absolute  freedom  of  the  slaves,  as  1  would  beg  for  my  life 
and  the  life  of  the  Republic. 

To  mention  the  military  history  of  Venezuela  would  be  to  remind 
you  of  the  history  of  republican  heroism  among  the  ancients;  it  would 
be  to  tell  you  that  Venezuela  has  been  inscribed  in  the  great  roll  of 
honor  of  the  sacrifices  made  on  the  altar  of  liberty.  Nothing  could  fill 
the  noble  breasts  of  our  generous  warriors,  but  the  exalted  honors  paid 
to  the  benefactors  of  humanity. 

Not  fighting  for  ¡jower,  nor  yet  for  fortune,  not  even  for  glory 
but  only  for  liberty,  the  title  of  Liberators  of  the  Republic  is  their 
most  fitting  guerdon.  I  have,  therefore,  founded  a  sacretl  associa- 
tion of  these  illustrious  men;  1  have  created  the  Order  of  the  Libera- 
tors of  Venezuela.  Legislators,  the  authority  to  confirm  honors  and 
decorations  belongs  to  you:  it  is  your  duty  to  perform  this  august  ncl 
of  national  gratitude. 

Men  who  have  given  up  all  pleasures;  all  the  comforts  they  en- 
joyed as  the  fruits  of  their  virtues  and  talents;  men  who  have  under- 
gone all  that  is  cruel  in  a  horrible  war.  suffered  the  most  painful  priva- 


íK 


38  bolivar's  address 

tions,  and  the  bitterest  torments;  men  so  well  deserving  of  the  country, 
must  attract  the  attention  of  the  government,  and  in  consequence  1 
have  directed  that  they  be  allowed  a  compensation  out  of  the  national 
wealth.  If  I  have  acquired  any  merit  whatever  before  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  I  ask  the  representatives  of  the  people  to  grant  my  request  as 
the  reward  of  my  feeble  services.  Let  Congress  direct  the  distribution 
of  the  national  property  in  accordance  with  the  law  that  in  the  name  of 
the  Republic  I  have  decreed,  for  the  benefit  of  the  military  men  of 
Venezuela. 

Now  that  after  infinite  victories  we  have  succeeded  in  annihilating 
the  Spanish  hosts,  the  Court  of  Madrid  in  desperation  has  vainly  en- 
deavored to  impose  upon  the  mind  of  the  magnanimous  sovereigns  who 
have  just  destroyed  usurpation  and  tyranny  in  Europe,  and  must  be 
the  protectors  of  the  legality  and  justice  of  the  American  cause.  Being 
incapable  of  attaining  our  submission  by  force  of  arms,  Spain  has  re- 
course to  her  insidious  policy;  being  unable  to  conquer  us,  she  has 
brought  into  play  her  devious  artfulness.  Ferdinand  has  humbled  him- 
self to  the  extent  of  confessing  that  he  needs  foreign  protection  to 
bring  us  back  to  his  ignominious  yoke,  a  yoke  that  there  is  no  power 
which  could  impose  on  us!  Venezuela,  full}'  convinced  of  possessing 
sufficient  strength  to  repel  her  oppressors,  has  made  known  by  the  voice 
of  the  government  her  final  determination  to  fight  to  the  death  in  de- 
fense of  her  political  life,  not  only  against  Spain,  but  against  all  men, 
if  all  men  had  degraded  themselves  to  the  extent  of  espousing  the  de- 
fense of  a  devouring  government  whose  only  incentives  are  a  death 
dealing  sword  and  the  flames  of  the  inquisition.  A  government  that 
wants  not  domains,  but  deserts,  not  cities  but  ruins,  not  vassals  but 
graves.  Tlie  Declaration  of  the  Republic  of  Venezuela  is  the  most 
glorious,  most  heroic,  most  worthy  Act  of  a  free  people;  it  is  the  one  that 
with  the  greatest  satisfaction  I  have  the  honor  to  offer  Congress,  being 
already  sanctioned  by  the  unanimous  will  of  the  free  people  of 
Venezuela. 

Since  the  second  epoch  of  our  Republic  our  army  has  lacked  mili- 
tary elements;  it  has  alwaj's  lacked  arms,  it  has  always  lacked  ammuni- 
tions, has  always  been  poorly  equipped.  Now  the  soldiers,  defenders 
of  our  independence,  are  not  only  armed  with  justice,  but  also  with 
force.  Our  troops  can  cope  with  the  most  select  of  Europe,  since  there 
is  no  inequality  in  the  weapons  of  destruction.  Such  great  advantages 
are  due  to  the  boundless  liberality  of  some  generous  foreigners  who 
have  heard  the  groans  of  humanity,  and  have  seen  the  Cause  of  Right 
yield.    But  they  have  not  been  mere  spectators,  they  have  rushed  with 


r.oNonFss  or  angosti'ha  39 

Iheir  generous  help  and  Iiavc  loaned  the  Republic  everything  that  was 
needed  for  tlic  triunipli  of  its  |)hilanthropical  principles.  These  friends 
of  humanity  are  the  guardian  angels  of  America  and  to  them  we  owe 
eternal  gratitude,  and  the  religious  fulfillment  of  the  sacred  obligations 
we  have  contracted  with  them.  The  national  debt.  Legislators,  is  a 
sacred  trust  in  the  faith,  the  honor  'ind  the  gratitude  of  Venezuela. 
Let  it  be  respected  like  the  Holy  Ark,  holding  not  only  the  rights  of 
our  benefactors,  but  the  glory  of  om-  faithfulness.  May  we  perish  before 
we  break  a  pledge  which  has  saved  the  country  and  the  life  of  her 
children. 

The  merging  of  New  (¡ranada  and  Venezuela  iiilo  one  dnat  State, 
has  been  the  unanimous  wish  of  the  peoples  and  the  government  of 
both  republics.  The  fortunes  of  war  have  effected  this  union  so  earnestly 
desired  by  all  Colombians;  in  fact,  we  are  incorporated.  These  sister 
countries  have  already  entrusted  to  you  their  interests,  their  rigiits  and 
their  destinies.  In  contemplating  the  union  of  these  countries  my  soul 
rises  to  the  heights  demanded  by  the  colossal  perspective  of  such  a  won- 
derful picture.  Soaring  among  the  coming  ages  my  imagination  rests 
on  the  future  centuries,  and  seeing  from  afar  with  admiration  and 
amazement  the  prosperity,  the  splendor  and  the  life  which  have  come 
to  this  vast  region,  1  feel  myself  carried  away,  and  I  see  her  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  universe,  stretching  along  her  lengthy  shores  between  two 
oceans  which  Nature  has  separated,  but  which  our  country  unites 
through  long  wide  channels.  I  can  see  her  as  the  bond,  as  the  center, 
as  the  emporium  of  the  human  family.  I  can  see  her  sending  to  all  the 
corners  of  the  globe  the  treasure  hidden  in  her  mountains  of  silver 
and  gold;  1  see  her  sending  broadcast,  by  means  of  her  diviui'  plants, 
health  and  life  to  the  sufferers  of  the  old  world;  I  see  her  confiding  her 
precious  secrets  to  the  learned  who  do  not  know  how  much  her  store 
of  knowledge  is  superior  to  the  store  of  wealth  bestowed  by  Nature 
upon  her;  I  can  see  her  sitting  on  the  throne  of  liberty,  the  scepter  of 
justice  in  her  hand,  crowned  by  glory,  showing  the  old  world  the  majesty 
of  the  modern  world. 

Deign.  Legislators,  to  accept  with  indulgence  the  i)rofession  of  my 
political  faith,  the  highest  wishes  of  my  heart  and  the  fervent  prayer 
which  on  behalf  of  the  people  1  dare  address  you:  Deign  to  grant  to 
Venezuela  a  government  preeminently  popular,  preeminently  just,  pre- 
eminently moral,  which  will  hold  in  chains  oppression,  anarchy  and 
guilt.  A  government  which  will  allow  righteousness,  tolerance,  peace 
to  reign;  a  government  which  will  cause  equality  and  liberty  to  triumph 
under  the  protection  of  inexorable  laws. 

Gentlemen,  commence  vour  duties;  I  have  finished  mine. 


SIMON   BOLÍVAR, 

Presidente    laterino  de  la    República  Jo  Vc!io/.ui.'l.i ,    Capitán  -  General  ilc  sus 
Exércitos  y  los  de  la  Nueva  -  Gran.'.Ja  ,  &c.  v\:c.  &<-. 

PROCLAMA. 

Venezolanos ! 

JL_jL  Congreso  general  de  Vcnezueh  luí  ren?\iinido  el  PüJcr  So'ocrano  «jiio 
antes  me  habíais  confiado  :  yo  lo  ho  dcvuclio  al  Pueblo  tran.-miticndok)  .1  sus 
legítimos  Representantes. 

La  Soberanía  Nacional  me  ha  honrado  nuevamente ,  encargándome  el 
Poder    Exccutivo    haxo  el   titulo    de    Prcíidcntc    Interino    tic    Venezuela. 

Venezolanos  ! — Yo  me  siento  incapaz  de  goliernni-oo :  a.M  lo  he  tcpre- 
sentado  por  muchas  veces  á  vuestros  Representantes ,  y  á  pesar  de  mis  justas 
renuncias  he  sido  for-sado  a  mandaros. 

Soldados  del  Excrcito  Libertador! — Mi  única  ambición  hn  sido  siempre 
la  de    participar  con  vofotros  de   los    jjcligros  que  arrostráis    por  la    República. 

Ciudadanos! — Una  Legion  Británica,  protectora  de  nuestra  Libertad, 
ha  llegado  a  \''cnczuc!a  a  ayudarnos  a  quebrantar  nuestfas  cadenas :  recibidla 
con  la  veneración  que  inspira  el  heroísmo  benéfico.  Abrid  vuestros  brazos 
i  esos  Extrangcros  generosos  que  vienen  a  disputarnos  los  títulos  de  Libertadores 
de  Venezuela. 

Quartel-general  de  Angostura  d  ^0  de  Febrero  de   1819.  ="9° 


SIMON    BOLIVAR. 


Impreso  por  Andrés  Roderick .  Lnprcsor  del  Gobierno. 

FAC   SIMILE   OF   THE    PROCLAMATION   OF   THE   LIBERATOR,    DATED  FEBRUARY   20     1819 


LIBRARY 

UNTVERi?ITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SANTA  BARBARA 


LIBRARY 


f 


COAT  OF  ARMS  OF  THE  GREAT  COLOMBIA 
1819-1830 


3  1205  02575  871 


D   000  975  928    3 


n 


